Political
economy
confuses
on
principle
two
very
different
kinds
of
private
property,
of
which
one
rests
on
the
producers'
own
labour,
the
other
on
the
employment
of
the
labour
of
others.
It
forgets
that
the
latter
not
only
is
the
direct
antithesis
of
the
former,
but
absolutely
grows
on
its
tomb
only.In
Western
Europe,
the
home
of
Political
Economy,the
process
of
primitive
accumulation
is
more
of
less
accomplished.
Here
the
capitalist
regime
has
either
directly
conquered
the
whole
domain
of
national
production,
or,
where
economic
conditions
are
less
developed,
it,
at
least,
indirectly
controls
those
strata
of
society
which,
though
belonging
to
the
antiquated
mode
of
production,
continue
to
exist
side
by
side
with
it
in
gradual
decay.
To
this
ready-made
world
of
capital,
the
political
economist
applies
the
notions
of
law
and
of
property
inherited
from
a
pre-capitalistic
world
with
all
the
more
anxious
zeal
and
all
the
greater
unction,
the
more
loudly
the
facts
cry
out
in
the
face
of
his
ideology.
It
is
otherwise
in
the
colonies.There
the
capitalist
regime
everywhere
comes
into
collision
with
the
resistance
of
the
producer,
who,as
owner
of
his
own
conditions
of
labour,
employs
that
labour
to
enrich
himself,
instead
of
the
capitalist.The
contradiction
of
these
two
diametrically
opposed
economic
systems,
manifests
itself
here
practically
in
a
struggle
between
them.
Where
the
capitalist
has
at
his
back
the
power
of
the
mother-country,
he
tries
to
clear
out
of
his
way
by
force
the
modes
of
production
and
appropriation
based
on
the
independent
labour
of
the
producer.
The
same
interest,
which
compels
the
sycophant
of
capital,
the
political
economist,
in
the
mother-country,
to
proclaim
the
theoretical
identity
of
the
capitalist
mode
of
production
with
its
contrary,that
same
interest
compels
him
in
the
colonies
to
make
a
clean
breast
of
it,
and
to
proclaim
aloud
the
antagonism
of
the
two
modes
of
production.
To
this
end,
he
proves
how
the
development
of
the
social
productive
power
of
labour,
co-operation,
division
of
labour,
use
of
machinery
on
a
large
scale,
&c.,
are
impossible
without
the
expropriation
of
the
labourers,and
the
corresponding
transformation
of
their
means
of
production
into
capital.
In
the
interest
of
the
so
called
national
wealth,
he
seeks
for
artificial
means
to
ensure
the
poverty
of
the
people.
Here
his
apologetic
armor
crumbles
off,
bit
by
bit,
like
rotten
touchwood.It
is
the
great
merit
of
E.G.
Wakefield
to
have
discovered,
not
anything
new
about
the
Colonies2,but
to
have
discovered
in
the
Colonies
the
truth
as
to
the
conditions
of
capitalist
production
in
the
mother
country.
As
the
system
of
protection
at
its
origin3attempted
to
manufacture
capitalists
artificially
in
the
mother-country,
so
Wakefield's
colonisation
theory,which
England
tried
for
a
time
to
enforce
by
Acts
of
Parliament,
attempted
to
effect
the
manufacture
of
wage-workers
in
the
Colonies.
This
he
calls\"systematic
colonisation.\"
First
of
all,
Wakefield
discovered
that
in
the
Colonies,property
in
money,
means
of
subsistence,
machines,and
other
means
of
production,
does
not
as
yet
stamp
a
man
as
a
capitalist
if
there
be
wanting
the
correlative–
the
wage-worker,
the
other
man
who
is
compelled
to
sell
himself
of
his
own
free
will.
He
discovered
that
capital
is
not
a
thing,
but
a
social
relation
between
persons,
established
by
the
instrumentality
of
things.4Mr.
Peel,
he
moans,
took
with
him
from
England
to
Swan
River,
West
Australia,
means
of
subsistence
and
of
production
to
the
amount
of
£50,000.
Mr.
Peel
had
the
foresight
to
bring
with
him,
besides,
300
persons
of
the
working
class,
men,
women,
and
children.
Once
arrived
at
his
destination,
\"Mr.
Peel
was
left
without
a
servant
to
make
his
bed
or
fetch
him
water
from
the
river.\"5Unhappy
Mr.
Peel
who
provided
for
everything
except
the
export
of
English
modes
of
production
to
Swan
River!
For
the
understanding
of
the
following
discoveries
of
Wakefield,
two
preliminary
remarks:
We
know
that
the
means
of
production
and
subsistence,
while
they
remain
the
property
of
the
immediate
producer,
are
not
capital.
They
become
capital
only
under
circumstances
in
which
they
serve
at
the
same
time
as
means
of
exploitation
and
subjection
of
the
labourer.
But
this
capitalist
soul
of
theirs
is
so
intimately
wedded,
in
the
head
of
the
political
economist,
to
their
material
substance,
that
he
christens
them
capital
under
all
circumstances,
even
when
they
are
its
exact
opposite.Thus
is
it
with
Wakefield.
Further:
the
splitting
up
of
the
means
of
production
into
the
individual
property
of
many
independent
labourers,
working
on
their
own
account,
he
calls
equal
division
of
capital.
It
is
with
the
political
economist
as
with
the
feudal
jurist.
The
latter
stuck
on
to
pure
monetary
relations
the
labels
supplied
by
feudal
law.
\"If,\"
says
Wakefield,
\"all
members
of
the
society
are
supposed
to
possess
equal
portions
of
capital...
no
man
would
have
a
motive
for
accumulating
more
capital
than
he
could
use
with
his
own
hands.
This
is
to
some
extent
the
case
in
new
American
settlements,
where
a
passion
for
owning
land
prevents
the
existence
of
a
class
of
labourers
for
hire.\"6So
long,
therefore,
as
the
labourer
can
accumulate
for
himself
–
and
this
he
can
do
so
long
as
he
remains
possessor
of
his
means
of
production
–
capitalist
accumulation
and
the
capitalistic
mode
of
production
are
impossible.
The
class
of
wage
labourers,
essential
to
these,
is
wanting.How,
then,
in
old
Europe,
was
the
expropriation
of
the
labourer
from
his
conditions
of
labour,
i.e.,
the
co
existence
of
capital
and
wage
labour,
brought
aboutBy
a
social
contract
of
a
quite
original
kind.
\"Mankind
have
adopted
a...
simple
contrivance
for
promoting
the
accumulation
of
capital,\"
which,
of
course,
since
the
time
of
Adam,
floated
in
their
imagination,
floated
in
their
imagination
as
the
sole
and
final
end
of
their
existence:
\"they
have
divided
themselves
into
owners
of
capital
and
owners
of
labour....
The
division
was
the
result
of
concert
and
combination.\"7In
one
word:the
mass
of
mankind
expropriated
itself
in
honour
of
the
\"accumulation
of
capital.\"
Now,
one
would
think
that
this
instinct
of
self-denying
fanaticism
would
give
itself
full
fling
especially
in
the
Colonies,
where
alone
exist
the
men
and
conditions
that
could
turn
a
social
contract
from
a
dream
to
a
reality.
But
why,then,
should
\"systematic
colonisation\"
be
called
in
to
replace
its
opposite,
spontaneous,
unregulated
colonisation
But
—
but
—
\"In
the
Northern
States
of
the
American
Union;
it
may
be
doubted
whether
so
many
as
a
tenth
of
the
people
would
fall
under
the
description
of
hired
labourers....
In
England...
the
labouring
class
compose
the
bulk
of
the
people.\"8Nay,
the
impulse
to
self-expropriation
on
the
part
of
labouring
humanity
for
the
glory
of
capital,
exists
so
little
that
slavery,
according
to
Wakefield
himself,is
the
sole
natural
basis
of
Colonial
wealth.
His
systematic
colonisation
is
a
mere
pis
aller,
since
he
unfortunately
has
to
do
with
free
men,
not
with
slaves.\"The
first
Spanish
settlers
in
Saint
Domingo
did
not
obtain
labourers
from
Spain.
But,
without
labourers,their
capital
must
have
perished,
or
at
least,
must
soon
have
been
diminished
to
that
small
amount
which
each
individual
could
employ
with
his
own
hands.
This
has
actually
occurred
in
the
last
Colony
founded
by
England
–
the
Swan
River
Settlement
–
where
a
great
mass
of
capital,
of
seeds,
implements,
and
cattle,
has
perished
for
want
of
labourers
to
use
it,
and
where
no
settler
has
preserved
much
more
capital
than
he
can
employ
with
his
own
hands.\"
9
We
have
seen
that
the
expropriation
of
the
mass
of
the
people
from
the
soil
forms
the
basis
of
the
capitalist
mode
of
production.
The
essence
of
a
free
colony,
on
the
contrary,
consists
in
this
–
that
the
bulk
of
the
soil
is
still
public
property,
and
every
settler
on
it
therefore
can
turn
part
of
it
into
his
private
property
and
individual
means
of
production,
without
hindering
the
later
settlers
in
the
same
operation.10This
is
the
secret
both
of
the
prosperity
of
the
colonies
and
of
their
inveterate
vice
–
opposition
to
the
establishment
of
capital.
\"Where
land
is
very
cheap
and
all
men
are
free,
where
every
one
who
so
pleases
can
easily
obtain
a
piece
of
land
for
himself,
not
only
is
labour
very
dear,
as
respects
the
labourer's
share
of
the
produce,but
the
difficulty
is
to
obtain
combined
labour
at
any
price.\"11
As
in
the
colonies
the
separation
of
the
labourer
from
the
conditions
of
labour
and
their
root,
the
soil,does
not
exist,
or
only
sporadically,
or
on
too
limited
a
scale,
so
neither
does
the
separation
of
agriculture
from
industry
exist,
nor
the
destruction
of
the
household
industry
of
the
peasantry.
Whence
then
is
to
come
the
internal
market
for
capital
\"No
part
of
the
population
of
America
is
exclusively
agricultural,excepting
slaves
and
their
employers
who
combine
capital
and
labour
in
particular
works.
Free
Americans,who
cultivate
the
soil,
follow
many
other
occupations.Some
portion
of
the
furniture
and
tools
which
they
use
is
commonly
made
by
themselves.
They
frequently
build
their
own
houses,
and
carry
to
market,
at
whatever
distance,
the
produce
of
their
own
industry.They
are
spinners
and
weavers;
they
make
soap
and
candles,
as
well
as,
in
many
cases,
shoes
and
clothes
for
their
own
use.
In
America
the
cultivation
of
land
is
often
the
secondary
pursuit
of
a
blacksmith,
a
miller
or
a
shopkeeper.\"12With
such
queer
people
as
these,where
is
the
\"field
of
abstinence\"
for
the
capitalists
The
great
beauty
of
capitalist
production
consists
in
this
–
that
it
not
only
constantly
reproduces
the
wage-worker
as
wage-worker,
but
produces
always,in
proportion
to
the
accumulation
of
capital,
a
relative
surplus-population
of
wage-workers.
Thus
the
law
of
supply
and
demand
of
labour
is
kept
in
the
right
rut,
the
oscillation
of
wages
is
penned
within
limits
satisfactory
to
capitalist
exploitation,
and
lastly,
the
social
dependence
of
the
labourer
on
the
capitalist,
that
indispensable
requisite,
is
secured;
an
unmistakable
relation
of
dependence,
which
the
smug
political
economist,
at
home,
in
the
mother-country,can
transmogrify
into
one
of
free
contract
between
buyer
and
seller,
between
equally
independent
owners
of
commodities,
the
owner
of
the
commodity
capital
and
the
owner
of
the
commodity
labour.
But
in
the
colonies,
this
pretty
fancy
is
torn
asunder.
The
absolute
population
here
increases
much
more
quickly
than
in
the
mother-country,
because
many
labourers
enter
this
world
as
ready-made
adults,
and
yet
the
labour-market
is
always
understocked.
The
law
of
supply
and
demand
of
labour
falls
to
pieces.
On
the
one
hand,
the
old
world
constantly
throws
in
capital,thirsting
after
exploitation
and
\"abstinence\";
on
the
other,
the
regular
reproduction
of
the
wage
labourer
as
wage
labourer
comes
into
collision
with
impediments
the
most
impertinent
and
in
part
invincible.
What
becomes
of
the
production
of
wage-labourers,supernumerary
in
proportion
to
the
accumulation
of
capital
The
wage-worker
of
to-day
is
to-morrow
an
independent
peasant,
or
artisan,
working
for
himself.He
vanishes
from
the
labour-market,
but
not
into
the
workhouse.
This
constant
transformation
of
the
wage-labourers
into
independent
producers,
who
work
for
themselves
instead
of
for
capital,
and
enrich
themselves
instead
of
the
capitalist
gentry,
reacts
in
its
turn
very
perversely
on
the
conditions
of
the
labour
market.
Not
only
does
the
degree
of
exploitation
of
the
wage
labourer
remain
indecently
low.
The
wage
labourer
loses
into
the
bargain,
along
with
the
relation
of
dependence,
also
the
sentiment
of
dependence
on
the
abstemious
capitalist.
Hence
all
the
inconveniences
that
our
E.
G.
Wakefield
pictures
so
doughtily,
so
eloquently,
so
pathetically.
The
supply
of
wage
labour,he
complains,
is
neither
constant,
nor
regular,
nor
sufficient.
\"The
supply
of
labour
is
always
not
only
small
but
uncertain.\"13\"Though
the
produce
divided
between
the
capitalist
and
the
labourer
be
large,
the
labourer
takes
so
great
a
share
that
he
soon
becomes
a
capitalist....
Few,
even
those
whose
lives
are
unusually
long,
can
accumulate
great
masses
of
wealth.\"14The
labourers
most
distinctly
decline
to
allow
the
capitalist
to
abstain
from
the
payment
of
the
greater
part
of
their
labour.
It
avails
him
nothing,
if
he
is
so
cunning
as
to
import
from
Europe,
with
his
own
capital,
his
own
wage-workers.
They
soon
\"cease...
to
be
labourers
for
hire;
they...
become
independent
landowners,
if
not
competitors
with
their
former
masters
in
the
labour
market.\"15Think
of
the
horror!
The
excellent
capitalist
has
imported
bodily
from
Europe,
with
his
own
good
money,
his
own
competitors!
The
end
of
the
world
has
come!
No
wonder
Wakefield
laments
the
absence
of
all
dependence
and
of
all
sentiment
of
dependence
on
the
part
of
the
wage-workers
in
the
colonies.
On
account
of
the
high
wages,
says
his
disciple,
Merivale,there
is
in
the
colonies
\"the
urgent
desire
for
cheaper
and
more
subservient
labourers
–
for
a
class
to
whom
the
capitalist
might
dictate
terms,
instead
of
being
dictated
to
by
them....
In
ancient
civilised
countries
the
labourer,
though
free,
is
by
a
law
of
Nature
dependent
on
capitalists;
in
colonies
this
dependence
must
be
created
by
artificial
means.\"16
What
is
now,
according
to
Wakefield,
the
consequence
of
this
unfortunate
state
of
things
in
the
colonies
A
\"barbarising
tendency
of
dispersion\"
of
producers
and
national
wealth.17The
parcelling-out
of
the
means
of
production
among
innumerable
owners,working
on
their
own
account,
annihilates,
along
with
the
centralisation
of
capital,
all
the
foundation
of
combined
labour.
Every
long-winded
undertaking,extending
over
several
years
and
demanding
outlay
of
fixed
capital,
is
prevented
from
being
carried
out.
In
Europe,
capital
invests
without
hesitating
a
moment,
for
the
working
class
constitutes
its
living
appurtenance,
always
in
excess,
always
at
disposal.But
in
the
colonies!
Wakefield
tells
an
extremely
doleful
anecdote.
He
was
talking
with
some
capitalists
of
Canada
and
the
state
of
New
York,
where
the
immigrant
wave
often
becomes
stagnant
and
deposits
a
sediment
of
\"supernumerary\"
labourers.
\"Our
capital,\"
says
one
of
the
characters
in
the
melodrama,\"was
ready
for
many
operations
which
require
a
considerable
period
of
time
for
their
completion;
but
we
could
not
begin
such
operations
with
labour
which,we
knew,
would
soon
leave
us.
If
we
had
been
sure
of
retaining
the
labour
of
such
emigrants,
we
should
have
been
glad
to
have
engaged
it
at
once,
and
for
a
high
price:
and
we
should
have
engaged
it,
even
though
we
had
been
sure
it
would
leave
us,
provided
we
had
been
sure
of
a
fresh
supply
whenever
we
might
need
it.\"18
After
Wakefield
has
constructed
the
English
capitalist
agriculture
and
its
\"combined\"
labour
with
the
scattered
cultivation
of
American
peasants,he
unwittingly
gives
us
a
glimpse
at
the
reverse
of
the
medal.
He
depicts
the
mass
of
the
American
people
as
well-to-do,
independent,
enterprising,and
comparatively
cultured,
whilst
\"the
English
agricultural
labourer
is
miserable
wretch,
a
pauper....In
what
country,
except
North
America
and
some
new
colonies,
do
the
wages
of
free
labour
employed
in
agriculture
much
exceed
a
bare
subsistence
for
the
labourer
...
Undoubtedly
,
farm-horses
in
England,being
a
valuable
property,
are
better
fed
than
English
peasants.\"19But,
never
mind,
national
wealth
is,
once
again,
by
its
very
nature,
identical
with
misery
of
the
people.
How,
then,
to
heal
the
anti-capitalistic
cancer
of
the
colonies
If
men
were
willing,
at
a
blow,
to
turn
all
the
soil
from
public
into
private
property,
they
would
destroy
certainly
the
root
of
the
evil,
but
also
–
the
colonies.
The
trick
is
how
to
kill
two
birds
with
one
stone.
Let
the
Government
put
upon
the
virgin
soil
an
artificial
price,
independent
of
the
law
of
supply
and
demand,
a
price
that
compels
the
immigrant
to
work
a
long
time
for
wages
before
he
can
earn
enough
money
to
buy
land,
and
turn
himself
into
an
independent
peasant.20The
fund
resulting
from
the
sale
of
land
at
a
price
relatively
prohibitory
for
the
wage-workers,
this
fund
of
money
extorted
from
the
wages
of
labour
by
violation
of
the
sacred
law
of
supply
and
demand,
the
Government
is
to
employ,
on
the
other
hand,
in
proportion
as
it
grows;
to
import
have-nothings
from
Europe
into
the
colonies,
and
thus
keep
the
wage
labour
market
full
for
the
capitalists.Under
these
circumstances,
tout
sera
pour
le
mieux
dans
le
meilleur
des
mondes
possibles.
This
is
the
great
secret
of
\"systematic
colonisation.\"
By
this
plan,Wakefield
cries
in
triumph,
\"the
supply
of
labour
must
be
constant
and
regular,
because,
first,
as
no
labourer
would
be
able
to
procure
land
until
he
had
worked
for
money,
all
immigrant
labourers,
working
for
a
time
for
wages
and
in
combination,
would
produce
capital
for
the
employment
of
more
labourers;
secondly,because
every
labourer
who
left
off
working
for
wages
and
became
a
landowner
would,
by
purchasing
land,provide
a
fund
for
bringing
fresh
labour
to
the
colony.\"21The
price
of
the
soil
imposed
by
the
State
must,
of
course,
be
a
\"sufficient
price\"
–
i.e.,
so
high
\"as
to
prevent
the
labourers
from
becoming
independent
landowners
until
others
had
followed
to
take
their
place.\"22This
\"sufficient
price
for
the
land\"
is
nothing
but
a
euphemistic
circumlocution
for
the
ransom
which
the
labourer
pays
to
the
capitalist
for
leave
to
retire
from
the
wage
labour
market
to
the
land.
First,he
must
create
for
the
capitalist
\"capital,\"
with
which
the
latter
may
be
able
to
exploit
more
labourers;then
he
must
place,
at
his
own
expense,
a
locumtenens
[placeholder]
on
the
labour
market,
whom
the
Government
forwards
across
the
sea
for
the
benefit
of
his
old
master,
the
capitalist.
It
is
very
characteristic
that
the
English
Government
for
years
practised
this
method
of
\"primitive
accumulation\"
prescribed
by
Mr.
Wakefield
expressly
for
the
use
of
the
colonies.
The
fiasco
was,
of
course,as
complete
as
that
of
Sir
Robert
Peel's
Bank
Act.The
stream
of
emigration
was
only
diverted
from
the
English
colonies
to
the
United
States.
Meanwhile,the
advance
of
capitalistic
production
in
Europe,accompanied
by
increasing
Government
pressure,has
rendered
Wakefield's
recipe
superfluous.
On
the
one
hand,
the
enormous
and
ceaseless
stream
of
men,year
after
year
driven
upon
America,
leaves
behind
a
stationary
sediment
in
the
east
of
the
United
States,the
wave
of
immigration
from
Europe
throwing
men
on
the
labour-market
there
more
rapidly
than
the
wave
of
emigration
westwards
can
wash
them
away.
On
the
other
hand,
the
American
Civil
War
brought
in
its
train
a
colossal
national
debt,
and,
with
it,
pressure
of
taxes,
the
rise
of
the
vilest
financial
aristocracy,the
squandering
of
a
huge
part
of
the
public
land
on
speculative
companies
for
the
exploitation
of
railways,mines,
&c.,
in
brief,
the
most
rapid
centralisation
of
capital.
The
great
republic
has,
therefore,
ceased
to
be
the
promised
land
for
emigrant
labourers.
Capitalistic
production
advances
there
with
giant
strides,
even
though
the
lowering
of
wages
and
the
dependence
of
the
wage-worker
are
yet
far
from
being
brought
down
to
the
normal
European
level.
The
shameless
lavishing
of
uncultivated
colonial
land
on
aristocrats
and
capitalists
by
the
Government,
so
loudly
denounced
even
by
Wakefield,
has
produced,
especially
in
Australia23,
in
conjunction
with
the
stream
of
men
that
the
gold
diggings
attract,
and
with
the
competition
that
the
importation
of
English-commodities
causes
even
to
the
smallest
artisan,
an
ample
\"relative
surplus
labouring
population,\"
so
that
almost
every
brings
the
Job's
news
of
a
\"glut
of
the
Australia
labour
market,\"
and
the
prostitution
in
some
places
flourishes
as
wantonly
as
in
the
London
Haymarket.
However,
we
are
not
concerned
here
with
the
conditions
of
the
colonies.
The
only
thing
that
interests
us
is
the
secret
discovered
in
the
new
world
by
the
Political
Economy
of
the
old
world,
and
proclaimed
on
the
housetops:
that
the
capitalist
mode
of
production
and
accumulation,
and
therefore
capitalist
private
property,
have
for
their
fundamental
condition
the
annihilation
of
self-earned
private
property;
in
other
words,
the
expropriation
of
the
labourer.
NOTES:
1We
treat
here
of
real
Colonies,
virgins
soils,
colonized
by
free
immigrants.
The
United
States
are,
speaking
economically,still
only
a
Colony
of
Europe.
Besides,
to
this
category
belong
such
old
plantations
as
those
in
which
the
abolition
of
slavery
has
completely
altered
the
earlier
conditions.
2Wakefield's
few
glimpses
on
the
subject
of
Modern
Colonisation
are
fully
anticipated
by
Mirabeau
Pere,
the
physiocrat,
and
even
much
earlier
by
English
economists.
3Later,
it
became
a
temporary
necessity
in
the
international
competitive
struggle.
But,
whatever
its
motive,
the
consequences
remain
the
same.
4\"A
negro
is
a
negro.
In
certain
circumstances
he
becomes
a
slave.
A
mule
is
a
machine
for
spinning
cotton.
Only
under
certain
circumstances
does
it
become
capital.
Outside
these
circumstances,
it
is
no
more
capital
than
gold
is
intrinsically
money,
or
sugar
is
the
price
of
sugar....
Capital
is
a
social
relation
of
production.
It
is
a
historical
relation
of
production.\"(Karl
Marx,
\"Lohnarbeit
und
Kapital,\"
N.
Rh.
Z.,
No.266,
April
7,
1849.)
5E.
G.
Wakefield:
\"England
and
America,\"
vol.ii.
p.33.
6l.c.,
p.17.
7l.c.,
vol.i,
p.18.
8l.c.,
pp.42,
43,
44.
9l.c.,
vol.ii,
p.5.
10\"Land,
to
be
an
element
of
colonisation,
must
not
only
be
waste,
but
it
must
be
public
property,
liable
to
be
converted
into
private
property.\"
(l.c.,
Vol.II,
p.125.)
11l.c.,
Vol.I,
p.247.
12l.c.,
pp.21,
22.
13l.c.,
Vol.II,
p.116
14l.c.,
Vol.I,
p.131.
15l.c.,
Vol.II,
p.5.
16Merivale,
l.c.,
Vol.II,
pp.235-314
passim.
Even
the
mild,
Free
Trade,
vulgar
economist,
Molinari,
says:
\"Dans
les
colonies
où
l'esclavage
a
été
aboli
sans
que
le
travail
forcé
se
trouvait
remplacé
par
une
quantité
équivalente
de
travail
libre,
on
a
vu
s'opérer
la
contre-partie
du
fait
qui
se
réalise
tous
les
jours
sous
nos
yeux.
On
a
vu
les
simples
travailleurs
exploiter
à
leur
tour
les
entrepreneurs
d'industrie,
exiger
d'eux
des
salaires
hors
de
toute
proportion
avec
la
part
légitime
qui
leur
revenait
dans
le
produit.
Les
planteurs,
ne
pouvant
obtenir
de
leurs
sucres
un
prix
suffisant
pour
couvrir
la
hausse
de
salaire,
ont
été
obligés
de
fournir
l'excédant,
d'abord
sur
leurs
profits,
ensuite
sur
leurs
capitaux
mêmes.
Une
foule
de
planteurs
ont
été
ruinés
de
la
sorte,
d'autres
ont
fermé
leurs
ateliers
pour
échapper
à
une
ruine
imminente....
Sans
doute,
il
vaut
mieux
voir
périr
des
accumulations
de
capitaux
que
des
générations
d'hommes
[how
generous
Mr.
Molinari!]:
mais
ne
vaudrait-il
pas
mieux
que
ni
les
uns
ni
les
autres
périssent[In
the
colonies
where
slavery
has
been
abolished
without
the
compulsory
labour
being
replaced
with
an
equivalent
quantity
of
free
labour,
there
has
occurred
the
opposite
of
what
happens
every
day
before
our
eyes.
Simple
workers
have
been
seen
to
exploit
in
their
turn
the
industrial
entrepreneurs,
demanding
from
them
wages
which
bear
absolutely
no
relation
to
the
legitimate
share
in
the
product
which
they
ought
to
receive.The
planters
were
unable
to
obtain
for
their
sugar
for
a
sufficent
price
to
cover
the
increase
in
wages,
and
were
obliged
to
furnish
the
extra
amount,
at
first
out
of
their
profits,
and
then
out
of
their
very
capital.
A
considerable
amount
of
planters
have
been
ruined
as
a
result,
while
others
have
closed
down
their
businesses
in
order
to
avoid
the
ruin
which
threatened
them
...
It
is
doubtless
better
that
these
accumulations
of
capital
should
be
destroyed
than
that
generations
of
men
should
perish...
but
would
it
not
be
better
if
both
survived]
(Molinari,
l.c.,pp.51,52.)
Mr.
Molinari,
Mr.
Molinari!
What
then
becomes
of
the
ten
commandments,
of
Moses
and
the
prophets,
of
the
law
of
supply
and
demand,
if
in
Europe
the
\"entrepreneur\"
can
cut
down
the
labourer's
legitimate
part,
and
in
the
West
Indies,
the
labourer
can
cut
down
the
entrepreneur's
And
what,
if
you
please,
is
this
\"legitimate
part,\"
which
on
your
own
showing
the
capitalist
in
Europe
daily
neglects
to
pay
Over
yonder,
in
the
colonies
where
the
labourers
are
so
\"simple\"
as
to
\"exploit\"the
capitalist,
Mr.
Molinari
feels
a
strong
itching
to
set
the
law
of
supply
and
demand,
that
works
elsewhere
automatically,
on
the
right
road
by
means
of
the
police.
17Wakefield,
l.c.,
Vol.II,
p.52.
18l.c.,
pp.191,
192.
19l.c.,
Vol.I,
p.47,
246.
20\"C'est,
ajoutez-vous,
grace
à
l'appropriation
du
sol
et
des
capitaux
que
l'homme,
qui
n'a
que
ses
bras,
trouve
de
l'occupation
et
se
fait
un
revenu...
c'est
au
contraire,
grace
à
l'appropriation
individuelle
du
sol
qu'il
se
trouve
des
hommes
n'ayant
que
leurs
bras....
Quand
vous
mettez
un
homme
dans
le
vide,
vous
vous
emparez
de
l'atmosphère.
Ainsi
faites-vous,quand
vous
vous
emparez
du
sol....
C'est
le
mettre
dans
le
vide
le
richesses,
pour
ne
la
laisser
vivre
qu'à
votre
volonté.\"
[It
is,you
add,
a
result
of
the
appropriation
of
the
soil
and
of
capital
that
the
man
who
has
nothing
but
the
strength
of
his
arms
finds
employment
and
creates
an
income
for
himself
...
but
the
opposite
is
true,
it
is
thanks
to
the
individual
appropriation
of
the
soil
that
there
exist
men
who
only
possess
the
strength
of
their
arms.
...
When
you
put
a
man
in
a
vacuum,
you
rob
him
of
the
air.
You
do
the
same,
when
you
take
away
the
soil
from
him
...
for
you
are
putting
him
in
a
space
void
of
wealth,
so
as
to
leave
him
no
way
of
living
except
according
to
your
wishes](Collins,
l.c.
t.III,
pp.268-71,
passim.)
21Wakefield,
l.c.,
Vol.II,
p.192.
22l.c.,
p.45.
23As
soon
as
Australia
became
her
own
law-giver,
she
passed,
of
course,
laws
favorable
to
the
settlers,
but
the
squandering
of
the
land,
already
accomplished
by
the
English
Government,
stands
in
the
way.
\"The
first
and
main
object
at
which
new
Land
Act
of
1862
aims
is
to
give
increased
facilities
for
the
settlement
of
the
people.\"
(\"The
Land
Law
of
Victoria,\"by
the
Hon.
C.
G.
Duffy,
Minister
of
Public
Lands,
Lond.,1862.)
The
End