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桌麵快捷
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III.
Employment
of
women.
–
Since
1842
women
are
no
more
employed
underground,
but
are
occupied
on
the
surface
in
loading
the
coal,
&c.,
in
drawing
the
tubs
to
the
canals
and
railway
waggons,
in
sorting,
&c.Their
numbers
have
considerably
increased
during
the
last
three
or
four
years.
(n.
1727.)
They
are
mostly
the
wives,
daughters,
and
widows
of
the
working
miners,and
their
ages
range
from
12
to
50
or
60
years.
(ns.645,
1779.)
\"What
is
the
feeling
among
the
working
miners
as
to
the
employment
of
women\"
\"I
think
they
generally
condemn
it.\"
(n.
648.)
\"What
objection
do
you
see
to
it\"
\"I
think
it
is
degrading
to
the
sex.\"
(n.
649.)
\"There
is
a
peculiarity
of
dress\"\"Yes
...
it
is
rather
a
man's
dress,
and
I
believe
in
some
cases,
it
drowns
all
sense
of
decency.\"
\"Do
the
women
smoke\"
\"Some
do.\"
\"And
I
suppose
it
is
very
dirty
work\"
\"Very
dirty.\"
\"They
get
black
and
grimy\"
\"As
black
as
those
who
are
down
the
mines
...
I
believe
that
a
woman
having
children
(and
there
are
plenty
on
the
banks
that
have)
cannot
do
her
duty
to
her
children.\"
(ns.650-654,
701.)
\"Do
you
think
that
those
widows
could
get
employment
anywhere
else,
which
would
bring
them
in
as
much
wages
as
that
(from
8s.
to
10s.
a
week)\"
\"I
cannot
speak
to
that.\"
(n.709.)
\"You
would
still
be
prepared,
would
you,\"(flint-hearted
fellow!)
\"to
prevent
their
obtaining
a
livelihood
by
these
means\"
\"I
would.\"
(n.
710.)\"What
is
the
general
feeling
in
the
district
...
as
to
the
employment
of
women\"
\"The
feeling
is
that
it
is
degrading;
and
we
wish
as
miners
to
have
more
respect
to
the
fair
sex
than
to
see
them
placed
on
the
pit
bank...
Some
part
of
the
work
is
very
hard;some
of
these
girls
have
raised
as
much
as
10
tons
of
stuff
a
day.\"
(ns.
1715,1717.)
\"Do
you
think
that
the
women
employed
about
the
collieries
are
less
moral
than
the
women
employed
in
the
factories\"
\".
..the
percentage
of
bad
ones
may
be
a
little
more
...
than
with
the
girls
in
the
factories.\"(n.
1237.)
\"But
you
are
not
quite
satisfied
with
the
state
of
morality
in
the
factories\"
\"No.\"
(n.1733.)
\"Would
you
prohibit
the
employment
of
women
in
factories
also\"
\"No,
I
would
not.\"
(n.1734.)
\"Why
not\"
\"I
think
it
a
more
honourable
occupation
for
them
in
the
mills.\"
(n.
1735.)
\"Still
it
is
injurious
to
their
morality,
you
think\"
\"Not
so
much
as
working
on
the
pit
bank;
but
it
is
more
on
the
social
position
I
take
it;
I
do
not
take
it
on
its
moral
ground
alone.
The
degradation,
in
its
social
bearing
on
the
girls,
is
deplorable
in
the
extreme.
When
these
400
or
500
girls
become
colliers'
wives,
the
men
suffer
greatly
from
this
degradation,
and
it
causes
them
to
leave
their
homes
and
drink.\"
(n.
1736.)
\"You
would
be
obliged
to
stop
the
employment
of
women
in
the
ironworks
as
well,
would
you
not,
if
you
stopped
it
in
the
collieries\"
\"I
cannot
speak
for
any
other
trade.\"
(n.
1737.)
\"Can
you
see
any
difference
in
the
circumstances
of
women
employed
in
ironworks,
and
the
circumstances
of
women
employed
above
ground
in
collieries\"
\"I
have
not
ascertained
anything
as
to
that.\"
(n.
1740.)
\"Can
you
see
anything
that
makes
a
distinction
between
one
class
and
the
other\"
\"I
have
not
ascertained
that,
but
I
know
from
house
to
house
visitation,that
it
is
a
deplorable
state
of
things
in
our
district....\"
(n.
1741.)
\"Would
you
interfere
in
every
case
with
the
employment
of
women
where
that
employment
was
degrading\"
\"It
would
become
injurious,
I
think,
in
this
way:
the
best
feelings
of
Englishmen
have
been
gained
from
the
instruction
of
a
mother.
...\"
(n.
1750.)
\"That
equally
applies
to
agricultural
employments,
does
it
not\"
\"Yes,but
that
is
only
for
two
seasons,
and
we
have
work
all
the
four
seasons.\"
(n.
1751.)
\"They
often
work
day
and
night,
wet
through
to
the
skin,
their
constitution
undermined
and
their
health
ruined.\"\"You
have
not
inquired
into
that
subject
perhaps\"\"I
have
certainly
taken
note
of
it
as
I
have
gone
along,
and
certainly
I
have
seen
nothing
parallel
to
the
effects
of
the
employment
of
women
on
the
pit
bank....
It
is
the
work
of
a
man...
a
strong
man.\"
(ns.
1753,
1793,
1794.)
\"Your
feeling
upon
the
whole
subject
is
that
the
better
class
of
colliers
who
desire
to
raise
themselves
and
humanise
themselves,
instead
of
deriving
help
from
the
women,
are
pulled
down
by
them\"
\"Yes.\"
(n.1808.)
After
some
further
crooked
questions
from
these
bourgeois,
the
secret
of
their
\"sympathy\"for
widows,
poor
families,
&c.,
comes
out
at
last.\"The
coal
proprietor
appoints
certain
gentlemen
to
take
the
oversight
of
the
workings,
and
it
is
their
policy,
in
order
to
receive
approbation,
to
place
things
on
the
most
economical
basis
they
can,
and
these
girls
are
employed
at
from
1s.
up
to
1s.
6d.
a
day,
where
a
man
at
the
rate
of
2s.
6d.
a
day
would
have
to
be
employed.\"
(n.
1816.)
IV.
Coroner's
inquests.
–
\"With
regard
to
coroner's
inquests
in
your
district,
have
the
workmen
confidence
in
the
proceedings
at
those
inquests
when
accidents
occur\"
\"No;
they
have
not.\"
(n.
360.)
\"Why
not\"
\"Chiefly
because
the
men
who
are
generally
chosen,
are
men
who
know
nothing
about
mines
and
such
like.\"
\"Are
not
workmen
summoned
at
all
upon
the
juries\"
\"Never
but
as
witnesses
to
my
knowledge.\"
\"Who
are
the
people
who
are
generally
summoned
upon
these
juries\"\"Generally
tradesmen
in
the
neighbourhood
...from
their
circumstances
they
are
sometimes
liable
to
be
influenced
by
their
employers
...
the
owners
of
the
works.
They
are
generally
men
who
have
no
knowledge,
and
can
scarcely
understand
the
witnesses
who
are
called
before
them,
and
the
terms
which
are
used
and
such
like.\"
\"Would
you
have
the
jury
composed
of
persons
who
had
been
employed
in
mining\"
\"Yes,
partly...
they(the
workmen)
think
that
the
verdict
is
not
in
accordance
with
the
evidence
given
generally.\"
(ns.361,
364,
366,
368,
371,
375.)
\"One
great
object
in
summoning
a
jury
is
to
have
an
impartial
one,is
it
not\"
\"Yes,
I
should
think
so.\"
\"Do
you
think
that
the
juries
would
be
impartial
if
they
were
composed
to
a
considerable
extent
of
workmen\"\"I
cannot
see
any
motive
which
the
workmen
would
have
to
act
partially
...
they
necessarily
have
a
better
knowledge
of
the
operations
in
connexion
with
the
mine.\"
\"You
do
not
think
there
would
be
a
tendency
on
the
part
of
the
workmen
to
return
unfairly
severe
verdicts\"
\"No,
I
think
not.\"
(ns.
378,
379,
380.)
V.
False
weights
and
measures.
–
The
workmen
demand
to
be
paid
weekly
instead
of
fortnightly,
and
by
weight
instead
of
by
cubical
contents
of
the
tubs;they
also
demand
protection
against
the
use
of
false
weights,
&c.
(n.
1071.)
\"If
the
tubs
were
fraudulently
increased,
a
man
could
discontinue
working
by
giving
14
days'notice\"
\"But
if
he
goes
to
another
place,
there
is
the
same
thing
going
on
there.\"
(n.
1071.)
\"But
he
can
leave
that
place
where
the
wrong
has
been
committed\"
\"It
is
general;
wherever
he
goes,
he
has
to
submit
to
it.\"
(n.
1072.)
\"Could
a
man
leave
by
giving
14
days'
notice\"
\"Yes.\"
(n.
1073.)
And
yet
they
are
not
satisfied!
VI.
Inspection
of
mines.
–
Casualties
from
explosions
are
not
the
only
things
the
workmen
suffer
from.
(n.
234,
sqq.)
\"Our
men
complained
very
much
of
the
bad
ventilation
of
the
collieries
...
the
ventilation
is
so
bad
in
general
that
the
men
can
scarcely
breathe;
they
are
quite
unfit
for
employment
of
any
kind
after
they
have
been
for
a
length
of
time
in
connexion
with
their
work;
indeed,
just
at
the
part
of
the
mine
where
I
am
working,
men
have
been
obliged
to
leave
their
employment
and
come
home
in
consequence
of
that
...
some
of
them
have
been
out
of
work
for
weeks
just
in
consequence
of
the
bad
state
of
the
ventilation
where
there
is
not
explosive
gas
...
there
is
plenty
of
air
generally
in
the
main
courses,
yet
pains
are
not
taken
to
get
air
into
the
workings
where
men
are
working.\"
\"Why
do
you
not
apply
to
the
inspector\"
\"To
tell
the
truth
there
are
many
men
who
are
timid
on
that
point;
there
have
been
cases
of
men
being
sacrificed
and
losing
their
employment
in
consequence
of
applying
to
the
inspector.\"
\"Why
is
he
a
marked
man
for
having
complained\"
\"Yes......
And
he
finds
it
difficult
to
get
employment
in
another
mine\"
\"Yes.\"
\"Do
you
think
the
mines
in
your
neighbourhood
are
sufficiently
inspected
to
insure
a
compliance
with
the
provisions
of
the
Act\"
\"No;
they
are
not
inspected
at
all
...
the
inspector
has
been
down
just
once
in
the
pit,
and
it
has
been
going
seven
years....
In
the
district
to
which
I
belong
there
are
not
a
sufficient
number
of
inspectors.
We
have
one
old
man
more
than
70
years
of
age
to
inspect
more
than
130
collieries.\"
\"You
wish
to
have
a
class
of
sub-inspectors\"
\"Yes.\"
(ns.
234,241,
251,
254,
274,
275,
554,
276,
293.)
\"But
do
you
think
it
would
be
possible
for
Government
to
maintain
such
an
army
of
inspectors
as
would
be
necessary
to
do
all
that
you
want
them
to
do,without
information
from
the
men\"
\"No,
I
should
think
it
would
be
next
to
impossible....\"
\"It
would
be
desirable
the
inspectors
should
come
oftener\"\"Yes,
and
without
being
sent
for.\"
(n.
280,
277.)\"Do
you
not
think
that
the
effect
of
having
these
inspectors
examining
the
collieries
so
frequently
would
be
to
shift
the
responsibility
(!)
of
supplying
proper
ventilation
from
the
owners
of
the
collieries
to
the
Government
officials\"
\"No,
I
do
not
think
that,
I
think
that
they
should
make
it
their
business
to
enforce
the
Acts
which
are
already
in
existence.\"
(n.
285.)
\"When
you
speak
of
sub
inspectors,
do
you
mean
men
at
a
less
salary,
and
of
an
inferior
stamp
to
the
present
inspectors\"\"I
would
not
have
them
inferior,
if
you
could
get
them
otherwise.\"
(n.
294.)
\"Do
you
merely
want
more
inspectors,
or
do
you
want
a
lower
class
of
men
as
an
inspector\"
\"A
man
who
would
knock
about,
and
see
that
things
are
kept
right;
a
man
who
would
not
be
afraid
of
himself.\"
(n.
295.)
\"If
you
obtained
your
wish
in
getting
an
inferior
class
of
inspectors
appointed,
do
you
think
that
there
would
be
no
danger
from
want
of
skill,
&c\"
\"I
think
not,
I
think
that
the
Government
would
see
after
that,
and
have
proper
men
in
that
position.\"
(n.
297.)
This
kind
of
examination
becomes
at
last
too
much
even
for
the
chairman
of
the
committee,
and
he
interrupts
with
the
observation:
\"You
want
a
class
of
men
who
would
look
into
all
the
details
of
the
mine,
and
would
go
into
all
the
holes
and
corners,
and
go
into
the
real
facts...
they
would
report
to
the
chief
inspector,
who
would
then
bring
his
scientific
knowledge
to
bear
on
the
facts
they
have
stated\"
(ns.
298,
299.)\"Would
it
not
entail
very
great
expense
if
all
these
old
workings
were
kept
ventilated\"
\"Yes,
expense
might
be
incurred,
but
life
would
be
at
the
same
time
protected.\"
(n.
531.)
A
working
miner
objects
to
the
17th
section
of
the
Act
of
1860;
he
says,
\"At
the
present
time,
if
the
inspector
of
mines
finds
a
part
of
the
mine
unfit
to
work
in,
he
has
to
report
it
to
the
mine-owner
and
the
Home
Secretary.
After
doing
that,
there
is
given
to
the
owner
20
days
to
look
over
the
matter;
at
the
end
of
20
days
he
has
the
power
to
refuse
making
any
alteration
in
the
mine;
but,
when
he
refuses,
the
mine-owner
writes
to
the
Home
Secretary,
at
the
same
time
nominating
five
engineers,
and
from
those
five
engineers
named
by
the
mine-owner
himself,
the
Home
Secretary
appoints
one,
I
think,as
arbitrator,
or
appoints
arbitrators
from
them;now
we
think
in
that
case
the
mine-owner
virtually
appoints
his
own
arbitrator.\"
(n.
581.)
Bourgeois
examiner,
himself
a
mine-owner:
\"But
...
is
this
a
merely
speculative
objection\"(n.
586.)
\"Then
you
have
a
very
poor
opinion
of
the
integrity
of
mining
engineers\"
\"It
is
most
certainly
unjust
and
inequitable.\"
(n.
588.)
\"Do
not
mining
engineers
possess
a
sort
of
public
character,
and
do
not
you
think
that
they
are
above
making
such
a
partial
decision
as
you
apprehend\"\"I
do
not
wish
to
answer
such
a
question
as
that
with
respect
to
the
personal
character
of
those
men.
I
believe
that
in
many
cases
they
would
act
very
partially
indeed,
and
that
it
ought
not
to
be
in
their
hands
to
do
so,
where
men's
lives
are
at
stake.\"
(n.
589.)
This
same
bourgeois
is
not
ashamed
to
put
this
question:
\"Do
you
not
think
that
the
mine-owner
also
suffers
loss
from
an
explosion\"
Finally,
\"Are
not
you
workmen
in
Lancashire
able
to
take
care
of
your
own
interests
without
calling
in
the
Government
to
help
you\"
\"No.\"
(n.
1042.)
In
the
year
1865
there
were
3,217
coal
mines
in
Great
Britain,
and
12
inspectors.
A
Yorkshire
mine
owner
himself
calculates
(Times,
26th
January,
1867),that
putting
on
one
side
their
office
work,
which
absorbs
all
their
time,
each
mine
can
be
visited
but
once
in
ten
years
by
an
inspector.
No
wonder
that
explosions
have
increased
progressively,
both
in
number
and
extent
(sometimes
with
a
loss
of
200-300
men),
during
the
last
ten
years.
These
are
the
beauties
of
\"free\"
capitalist
production!
[This
sentence
has
been
added
to
the
English
text
in
conformity
with
the
4th
German
edition.
–
Ed.]
The
very
defective
Act,
passed
in
1872,
is
the
first
that
regulates
the
hours
of
labour
of
the
children
employed
in
mines,
and
makes
exploiters
and
owners,to
a
certain
extent,
responsible
for
so-called
accidents.The
Royal
Commission
appointed
in
1867
to
inquire
into
the
employment
in
agriculture
of
children,young
persons,
and
women,
has
published
some
very
important
reports.
Several
attempts
to
apply
the
principles
of
the
Factory
Acts,
but
in
a
modified
form,to
agriculture
have
been
made,
but
have
so
far
resulted
in
complete
failure.
All
that
I
wish
to
draw
attention
to
here
is
the
existence
of
an
irresistible
tendency
towards
the
general
application
of
those
principles.
If
the
general
extension
of
factory
legislation
to
all
trades
for
the
purpose
of
protecting
the
working
class
both
in
mind
and
body
has
become
inevitable,on
the
other
hand,
as
we
have
already
pointed
out,that
extension
hastens
on
the
general
conversion
of
numerous
isolated
small
industries
into
a
few
combined
industries
carried
on
upon
a
large
scale;
it
therefore
accelerates
the
concentration
of
capital
and
the
exclusive
predominance
of
the
factory
system.
It
destroys
both
the
ancient
and
the
transitional
forms,behind
which
the
dominion
of
capital
is
still
in
part
concealed,
and
replaces
them
by
the
direct
and
open
sway
of
capital;
but
thereby
it
also
generalises
the
direct
opposition
to
this
sway.
While
in
each
individual
workshop
it
enforces
uniformity,
regularity,order,
and
economy,
it
increases
by
the
immense
spur
which
the
limitation
and
regulation
of
the
working
day
give
to
technical
improvement,
the
anarchy
and
the
catastrophes
of
capitalist
production
as
a
whole,
the
intensity
of
labour,
and
the
competition
of
machinery
with
the
labourer.
By
the
destruction
of
petty
and
domestic
industries
it
destroys
the
last
resort
of
the\"redundant
population,\"
and
with
it
the
sole
remaining
safety-valve
of
the
whole
social
mechanism.
By
maturing
the
material
conditions,
and
the
combination
on
a
social
scale
of
the
processes
of
production,
it
matures
the
contradictions
and
antagonisms
of
the
capitalist
form
of
production,
and
thereby
provides,along
with
the
elements
for
the
formation
of
a
new
society,
the
forces
for
exploding
the
old
one.244
Section
10:
Modern
Industry
and
Agriculture
The
revolution
called
forth
by
modern
industry
in
agriculture,
and
in
the
social
relations
of
agricultural
producers,
will
be
investigated
later
on.
In
this
place,we
shall
merely
indicate
a
few
results
by
way
of
anticipation.
If
the
use
of
machinery
in
agriculture
is
for
the
most
part
free
from
the
injurious
physical
effect
it
has
on
the
factory
operative,
its
action
in
superseding
the
labourers
is
more
intense,
and
finds
less
resistance,
as
we
shall
see
later
in
detail.
In
the
counties
of
Cambridge
and
Suffolk,
for
example,the
area
of
cultivated
land
has
extended
very
much
within
the
last
20
years
(up
to
1868),
while
in
the
same
period
the
rural
population
has
diminished,
not
only
relatively,
but
absolutely.
In
the
United
States
it
is
as
yet
only
virtually
that
agricultural
machines
replace
labourers;
in
other
words,
they
allow
of
the
cultivation
by
the
farmer
of
a
larger
surface,
but
do
not
actually
expel
the
labourers
employed.
In
1861
the
number
of
persons
occupied
in
England
and
Wales
in
the
manufacture
of
agricultural
machines
was
1,034,whilst
the
number
of
agricultural
labourers
employed
in
the
use
of
agricultural
machines
and
steam-engines
did
not
exceed
1,205.
In
the
sphere
of
agriculture,
modern
industry
has
a
more
revolutionary
effect
than
elsewhere,
for
this
reason,
that
it
annihilates
the
peasant,
that
bulwark
of
the
old
society,
and
replaces
him
by
the
wage
labourer.
Thus
the
desire
for
social
changes,
and
the
class
antagonisms
are
brought
to
the
same
level
in
the
country
as
in
the
towns.
The
irrational,
old-fashioned
methods
of
agriculture
are
replaced
by
scientific
ones.Capitalist
production
completely
tears
asunder
the
old
bond
of
union
which
held
together
agriculture
and
manufacture
in
their
infancy.
But
at
the
same
time
it
creates
the
material
conditions
for
a
higher
synthesis
in
the
future,
viz.,
the
union
of
agriculture
and
industry
on
the
basis
of
the
more
perfected
forms
they
have
each
acquired
during
their
temporary
separation.
Capitalist
production,
by
collecting
the
population
in
great
centres,
and
causing
an
ever
increasing
preponderance
of
town
population,
on
the
one
hand
concentrates
the
historical
motive
power
of
society;
on
the
other
hand,
it
disturbs
the
circulation
of
matter
between
man
and
the
soil,
i.e.,
prevents
the
return
to
the
soil
of
its
elements
consumed
by
man
in
the
form
of
food
and
clothing;
it
therefore
violates
the
conditions
necessary
to
lasting
fertility
of
the
soil.
By
this
action
it
destroys
at
the
same
time
the
health
of
the
town
labourer
and
the
intellectual
life
of
the
rural
labourer.245But
while
upsetting
the
naturally
grown
conditions
for
the
maintenance
of
that
circulation
of
matter,
it
imperiously
calls
for
its
restoration
as
a
system,
as
a
regulating
law
of
social
production,
and
under
a
form
appropriate
to
the
full
development
of
the
human
race.
In
agriculture
as
in
manufacture,the
transformation
of
production
under
the
sway
of
capital,
means,
at
the
same
time,
the
martyrdom
of
the
producer;
the
instrument
of
labour
becomes
the
means
of
enslaving,
exploiting,
and
impoverishing
the
labourer;
the
social
combination
and
organisation
of
labour-processes
is
turned
into
an
organised
mode
of
crushing
out
the
workman's
individual
vitality,freedom,
and
independence.
The
dispersion
of
the
rural
labourers
over
larger
areas
breaks
their
power
of
resistance
while
concentration
increases
that
of
the
town
operatives.
In
modern
agriculture,
as
in
the
urban
industries,
the
increased
productiveness
and
quantity
of
the
labour
set
in
motion
are
bought
at
the
cost
of
laying
waste
and
consuming
by
disease
labour
power
itself.
Moreover,
all
progress
in
capitalistic
agriculture
is
a
progress
in
the
art,
not
only
of
robbing
the
labourer,
but
of
robbing
the
soil;
all
progress
in
increasing
the
fertility
of
the
soil
for
a
given
time,
is
a
progress
towards
ruining
the
lasting
sources
of
that
fertility.
The
more
a
country
starts
its
development
on
the
foundation
of
modern
industry,
like
the
United
States,
for
example,
the
more
rapid
is
this
process
of
destruction.
246Capitalist
production,
therefore,develops
technology,
and
the
combining
together
of
various
processes
into
a
social
whole,
only
by
sapping
the
original
sources
of
all
wealth-the
soil
and
the
labourer.
NOTES:
1Mill
should
have
said,
\"of
any
human
being
not
fed
by
other
people's
labour,\"
for,
without
doubt,
machinery
has
greatly
increased
the
number
of
well-to-do
idlers.
2See,
for
instance,
Hutton:
\"Course
of
Mathematics.\"
3\"From
this
point
of
view
we
may
draw
a
sharp
line
of
distinction
between
a
tool
and
a
machine:
spades,
hammers,chisels,
&c.,
combinations
of
levers
and
of
screws,
in
all
of
which,
no
matter
how
complicated
they
may
be
in
other
respects,
man
is
the
motive
power,
...
all
this
falls
under
the
idea
of
a
tool;
but
the
plough,
which
is
drawn
by
animal
power,and
wind-mills,
&c.,
must
be
classed
among
machines.\"(Wilhelm
Schulz:
\"Die
Bewegung
der
Produktion.\"
Zürich,1843,
p.
38.)
In
many
respects
a
book
to
be
recommended.
4Before
his
time,
spinning
machines,
although
very
imperfect
ones,
had
already
been
used,
and
Italy
was
probably
the
country
of
their
first
appearance.
A
critical
history
of
technology
would
show
how
little
any
of
the
inventions
of
the
18th
century
are
the
work
of
a
single
individual.
Hitherto
there
is
no
such
book.
Darwin
has
interested
us
in
the
history
of
Nature's
Technology,
i.e.,
in
the
formation
of
the
organs
of
plants
and
animals,
which
organs
serve
as
instruments
of
production
for
sustaining
life.
Does
not
the
history
of
the
productive
organs
of
man,
of
organs
that
are
the
material
basis
of
all
social
organisation,
deserve
equal
attention
And
would
not
such
a
history
be
easier
to
compile,
since,
as
Vico
says,
human
history
differs
from
natural
history
in
this,
that
we
have
made
the
former,
but
not
the
latter
Technology
discloses
man's
mode
of
dealing
with
Nature,
the
process
of
production
by
which
he
sustains
his
life,
and
thereby
also
lays
bare
the
mode
of
formation
of
his
social
relations,
and
of
the
mental
conceptions
that
flow
from
them.
Every
history
of
religion,
even,
that
fails
to
take
account
of
this
material
basis,
is
uncritical.
It
is,
in
reality,
much
easier
to
discover
by
analysis
the
earthly
core
of
the
misty
creations
of
religion,than,
conversely,
it
is,
to
develop
from
the
actual
relations
of
life
the
corresponding
celestialised
forms
of
those
relations.The
latter
method
is
the
only
materialistic,
and
therefore
the
only
scientific
one.
The
weak
points
in
the
abstract
materialism
of
natural
science,
a
materialism
that
excludes
history
and
its
process,
are
at
once
evident
from
the
abstract
and
ideological
conceptions
of
its
spokesmen,
whenever
they
venture
beyond
the
bounds
of
their
own
speciality.
5Especially
in
the
original
form
of
the
power-loom,
we
recognise,
at
the
first
glance,
the
ancient
loom.
In
its
modern
form,
the
power-loom
has
undergone
essential
alterations.
6It
is
only
during
the
last
15
years
(i.e.,
since
about
1850),that
a
constantly
increasing
portion
of
these
machine
tools
have
been
made
in
England
by
machinery,
and
that
not
by
the
same
manufacturers
who
make
the
machines.
Instances
of
machines
for
the
fabrication
of
these
mechanical
tools
are,
the
automatic
bobbin-making
engine,
the
cardsetting
engine,
shuttle-making
machines,
and
machines
for
forging
mule
and
throstle
spindles.
7Moses
says:
\"Thou
shalt
not
muzzle
the
ox
that
treads
the
corn.\"
The
Christian
philanthropists
of
Germany,
on
the
contrary,
fastened
a
wooden
board
round
the
necks
of
the
serfs,whom
they
used
as
a
motive
power
for
grinding,
in
order
to
prevent
them
from
putting
flour
into
their
mouths
with
their
hands.
8It
was
partly
the
want
of
streams
with
a
good
fall
on
them,
and
partly
their
battles
with
superabundance
of
water
in
other
respects,
that
compelled
the
Dutch
to
resort
to
wind
as
a
motive
power.
The
wind-mill
itself
they
got
from
Germany,where
its
invention
was
the
origin
of
a
pretty
squabble
between
the
nobles,
the
priests,
and
the
emperor,
as
to
which
of
those
three
the
wind
\"belonged.\"
The
air
makes
bondage,
was
the
cry
in
Germany,
at
the
same
time
that
the
wind
was
making
Holland
free.
What
it
reduced
to
bondage
in
this
case,
was
not
the
Dutchman,
but
the
land
for
the
Dutchman.
In
1836,12,000
windmills
of
6,000
horse-power
were
still
employed
in
Holland,
to
prevent
two-thirds
of
the
land
from
being
reconverted
into
morasses.
9It
was,
indeed,
very
much
improved
by
Watt's
first
so
called
single
acting
engine;
but,
in
this
form,
it
continued
to
be
a
mere
machine
for
raising
water,
and
the
liquor
from
salt
mines.
10\"The
union
of
all
these
simple
instruments,
set
in
motion
by
a
single
motor,
constitutes
a
machine.\"
(Babbage,
l.c.)
11In
January,
1861,
John
C.
Morton
read
before
the
Society
of
Arts
a
paper
on
\"The
forces
employed
in
agriculture.\"
He
there
states:
\"Every
improvement
that
furthers
the
uniformity
of
the
land
makes
the
steam-engine
more
and
more
applicable
to
the
production
of
pure
mechanical
force....
Horse-power
is
requisite
wherever
crooked
fences
and
other
obstructions
prevent
uniform
action.
These
obstructions
are
vanishing
day
by
day.
For
operations
that
demand
more
exercise
of
will
than
actual
force,
the
only
power
applicable
is
that
controlled
every
instant
by
the
human
mind-in
other
words,
man-power.\"
Mr.Morton
then
reduces
steam-power,
horse-power,
and
man
power,
to
the
unit
in
general
use
for
steam-engines,
namely,the
force
required
to
raise
33,000
lbs.
one
foot
in
one
minute,and
reckons
the
cost
of
one
horse-power
from
a
steam-engine
to
be
3d.,
and
from
a
horse
to
be
5d.
per
hour.
Further,
if
a
horse
must
fully
maintain
its
health,
it
can
work
no
more
than
8
hours
a
day.
Three
at
the
least
out
of
every
seven
horses
used
on
tillage
land
during
the
year
can
be
dispensed
with
by
using
steam-power,
at
an
expense
not
greater
than
that
which,
the
horses
dispensed
with,
would
cost
during
the
3
or
4
months
in
which
alone
they
can
be
used
effectively.
Lastly,
steam-power,in
those
agricultural
operations
in
which
it
can
be
employed,improves,
in
comparison
with
horse-power,
the
quality
of
the
work.
To
do
the
work
of
a
steam-engine
would
require
66
men,at
a
total
cost
of
15s.
an
hour,
and
to
do
the
work
of
a
horse,
32
men,
at
a
total
cost
of
8s.
an
hour.
12Faulhaber,
1625;
De
Caus,
1688.
13The
modern
turbine
frees
the
industrial
exploitation
of
water-power
from
many
of
its
former
fetters.
14\"In
the
early
days
of
textile
manufactures,
the
locality
of
the
factory
depended
upon
the
existence
of
a
stream
having
a
sufficient
fall
to
turn
a
water-wheel;
and,
although
the
establishment
of
the
water-mills
was
the
commencement
of
the
breaking
up
of
the
domestic
system
of
manufacture,
yet
the
mills
necessarily
situated
upon
streams,
and
frequently
at
considerable
distances
the
one
from
the
other,
formed
part
of
a
rural,
rather
than
an
urban
system;
and
it
was
not
until
the
introduction
of
the
steam-power
as
a
substitute
for
the
stream
that
factories
were
congregated
in
towns,
and
localities
where
the
coal
and
water
required
for
the
production
of
steam
were
found
in
sufficient
quantities.
The
steam-engine
is
the
parent
of
manufacturing
towns.\"
(A.
Redgrave
in
\"Reports
of
the
Insp.of
Fact.,
30th
April,
1860,\"
p.
36.)
15From
the
standpoint
of
division
of
labour
in
Manufacture,weaving
was
not
simple,
but,
on
the
contrary,
complicated
manual
labour;
and
consequently
the
power-loom
is
a
machine
that
does
very
complicated
work.
It
is
altogether
erroneous
to
suppose
that
modern
machinery
originally
appropriated
those
operations
alone,
which
division
of
labour
had
simplified.Spinning
and
weaving
were,
during
the
manufacturing
period,split
up
into
new
species,
and
the
implements
were
modified
and
improved;
but
the
labour
itself
was
in
no
way
divided,
and
it
retained
its
handicraft
character.
It
is
not
the
labour,
but
the
instrument
of
labour,
that
serves
as
the
starting-point
of
the
machine.
16Before
the
epoch
of
Mechanical
Industry,
the
wool
manufacture
was
the
predominating
manufacture
in
England.Hence
it
was
in
this
industry
that,
in
the
first
half
of
the
18th
century,
the
most
experiments
were
made.
Cotton,
which
required
less
careful
preparation
for
its
treatment
by
machinery,derived
the
benefit
of
the
experience
gained
on
wool,
just
as
afterwards
the
manipulation
of
wool
by
machinery
was
developed
on
the
lines
of
cotton-spinning
and
weaving
by
machinery.
It
was
only
during
the
10
years
immediately
preceding
1866,
that
isolated
details
of
the
wool
manufacture,such
as
woolcombing,
were
incorporated
in
the
factory
system.
\"The
application
of
power
to
the
process
of
combing
wool
...
extensively
in
operation
since
the
introduction
of
the
combingmachine,
especially
Lister's
...
undoubtedly
had
the
effect
of
throwing
a
very
large
number
of
men
out
of
work.Wool
was
formerly
combed
by
hand,
most
frequently
in
the
cottage
of
the
comber.
It
is
now
very
generally
combed
in
the
factory,
and
hand-labour
is
superseded,
except
in
some
particular
kinds
of
work,
in
which
hand-combed
wool
is
still
preferred.
Many
of
the
hand-combers
found
employment
in
the
factories,
but
the
produce
of
the
hand-combers
bears
so
small
a
proportion
to
that
of
the
machine,
that
the
employment
of
a
very
large
number
of
combers
has
passed
away.\"
(\"Rep.
of
lnsp.
of
Fact.
for
31st
Oct.,
1856,\"
p.
16.)
17\"The
principle
of
the
factory
system,
then,
is
to
substitute...
the
partition
of
a
process
into
its
essential
constituents,
for
the
division
or
graduation
of
labour
among
artisans.\"
(Andrew
Ure:
\"The
Philosophy
of
Manufactures,\"
Lond.,
1835,
p.
20.)
18The
power-loom
was
at
first
made
chiefly
of
wood;
in
its
improved
modern
form
it
is
made
of
iron.
To
what
an
extent
the
old
forms
of
the
instruments
of
production
influenced
their
new
forms
at
first
starting,
is
shown
by,
amongst
other
things,the
most
superficial
comparison
of
the
present
power-loom
with
the
old
one,
of
the
modern
blowing
apparatus
of
a
blast
furnace
with
the
first
inefficient
mechanical
reproduction
of
the
ordinary
bellows,
and
perhaps
more
strikingly
than
in
any
other
way,
by
the
attempts
before
the
invention
of
the
present
locomotive,
to
construct
a
locomotive
that
actually
had
two
feet,
which
after
the
fashion
of
a
horse,
it
raised
alternately
from
the
ground.
It
is
only
after
considerable
development
of
the
science
of
mechanics,
and
accumulated
practical
experience,
that
the
form
of
a
machine
becomes
settled
entirely
in
accordance
with
mechanical
principles,
and
emancipated
from
the
traditional
form
of
the
tool
that
gave
rise
to
it.
19Eli
Whitney's
cotton
gin
had
until
very
recent
times
undergone
less
essential
changes
than
any
other
machine
of
the
18th
century.
It
is
only
during
the
last
decade
(i.e.,
since
1856)
that
another
American,
Mr.
Emery,
of
Albany,
New
York,has
rendered
Whitney's
gin
antiquated
by
an
improvement
as
simple
as
it
is
effective.
20\"The
Industry
of
Nations,\"
Lond.,
1855,
Part
II.,
p.
239.This
work
also
remarks:
'Simple
and
outwardly
unimportant
as
this
appendage
to
lathes
may
appear,
it
is
not,
we
believe,averring
too
much
to
state,
that
its
influence
in
improving
and
extending
the
use
of
machinery
has
been
as
great
as
that
produced
by
Watt's
improvements
of
the
steam-engine
itself.
Its
introduction
went
at
once
to
perfect
all
machinery,
to
cheapen
it,
and
to
stimulate
invention
and
improvement.\"
21One
of
these
machines,
used
for
forging
paddle-wheel
shafts
in
London,
is
called
\"Thor.\"
It
forges
a
shaft
of
16
tons
with
as
much
ease
as
a
blacksmith
forges
a
horseshoe.
22Wood-working
machines
that
are
also
capable
of
being
employed
on
a
small
scale
are
mostly
American
inventions.
23Science,
generally
speaking,
costs
the
capitalist
nothing,a
fact
that
by
no
means
hinders
him
from
exploiting
it.
The
science
of
others
is
as
much
annexed
by
capital
as
the
labour
of
others.
Capitalistic
appropriation
and
personal
appropriation,whether
of
science
or
of
material
wealth,
are,
however,
totally
different
things.
Dr.
Ure
himself
deplores
the
gross
ignorance
of
mechanical
science
existing
among
his
dear
machinery
exploiting
manufacturers,
and
Liebig
can
a
tale
unfold
about
the
astounding
ignorance
of
chemistry
displayed
by
English
chemical
manufacturers.
24Ricardo
lays
such
stress
on
this
effect
of
machinery
(of
which,
in
other
connexions,
he
takes
no
more
notice
than
he
does
of
the
general
distinction
between
the
labour
process
and
the
process
of
creating
surplus-value),
that
he
occasionally
loses
sight
of
the
value
given
up
by
machines
to
the
product,and
puts
machines
on
the
same
footing
as
natural
forces.Thus
\"Adam
Smith
nowhere
undervalues
the
services
which
the
natural
agents
and
machinery
perform
for
us,
but
he
very
justly
distinguishes
the
nature
of
the
value
which
they
add
to
commodities...
as
they
perform
their
work
gratuitously,the
assistance
which
they
afford
us,
adds
nothing
to
value
in
exchange.\"
(Ric.,
l.c.,
pp.
336,
337.)
This
observation
of
Ricardo
is
of
course
correct
in
so
far
as
it
is
directed
against
J.
B.
Say,
who
imagines
that
machines
render
the
\"service\"
of
creating
value
which
forms
a
part
of
\"profits.\"
25A
horse-power
is
equal
to
a
force
of
33,000
foot-pounds
per
minute,
i.e.,
to
a
force
that
raises
33,000
pounds
one
foot
in
a
minute,
or
one
pound
33,000
feet.
This
is
the
horse
power
meant
in
the
text.
In
ordinary
language,
and
also
here
and
there
in
quotations
in
this
work,
a
distinction
is
drawn
between
the\"nominal\"
and
the
\"commercial\"
or
\"indicated\"
horse-power
of
the
same
engine.
The
old
or
nominal
horse-power
is
calculated
exclusively
from
the
length
of
piston-stroke,
and
the
diameter
of
the
cylinder,
and
leaves
pressure
of
steam
and
piston
speed
out
of
consideration.
It
expresses
practically
this:
This
engine
would
be
one
of
50
horse-power,
if
it
were
driven
with
the
same
low
pressure
of
steam,
and
the
same
slow
piston
speed,
as
in
the
days
of
Boulton
and
Watt.
But
the
two
latter
factors
have
increased
enormously
since
those
days.
In
order
to
measure
the
mechanical
force
exerted
today
by
an
engine,
an
indicator
has
been
invented
which
shows
the
pressure
of
the
steam
in
the
cylinder.
The
piston
speed
is
easily
ascertained.
Thus
the
\"indicated\"
or
\"commercial\"
horse-power
of
an
engine
is
expressed
by
a
mathematical
formula,
involving
diameter
of
cylinder,
length
of
stroke,
piston
speed,
and
steam
pressure,simultaneously,
and
showing
what
multiple
of
33,000
pounds
is
really
raised
by
the
engine
in
a
minute.
Hence,
one
\"nominal\"horse-power
may
exert
three,
four,
or
even
five
\"indicated\"
or\"real\"
horse-powers.
This
observation
is
made
for
the
purpose
of
explaining
various
citations
in
the
subsequent
pages.
—
F.E
.
26The
reader
who
is
imbued
with
capitalist
notions
will
naturally
miss
here
the
\"interest\"
that
the
machine,
in
proportion
to
its
capital
value,
adds
to
the
product.
It
is,however,
easily
seen
that
since
a
machine
no
more
creates
new
value
than
any
other
part
of
constant
capital,
it
cannot
add
any
value
under
the
name
of
\"interest.\"
It
is
also
evident
that
here,where
we
are
treating
of
the
production
of
surplus-value,
we
cannot
assume
a
priori
the
existence
of
any
part
of
that
value
under
the
name
of
interest.
The
capitalist
mode
of
calculating,which
appears,
prima
facie,
absurd,
and
repugnant
to
the
laws
of
the
creation
of
value,
will
be
explained
in
the
third
book
of
this
work.
27This
portion
of
value
which
is
added
by
the
machinery,decreases
both
absolutely
and
relatively,
when
the
machinery
does
away
with
horses
and
other
animals
that
are
employed
as
mere
moving
forces,
and
not
as
machines
for
changing
the
form
of
matter.
It
may
here
be
incidentally
observed,
that
Descartes,
in
defining
animals
as
mere
machines,
saw
with
eyes
of
the
manufacturing
period,
while
to
eyes
of
the
middle
ages,animals
were
assistants
to
man,
as
they
were
later
to
Von
Haller
in
his
\"Restauration
der
Staatswissenschaften.\"
That
Descartes,like
Bacon,
anticipated
an
alteration
in
the
form
of
production,and
the
practical
subjugation
of
Nature
by
Man,
as
a
result
of
the
altered
methods
of
thought,
is
plain
from
his
\"Discours
de
la
Méthode.\"
He
there
says:
\"Il
est
possible
(by
the
methods
he
introduced
in
philosophy)
de
parvenir
à
des
connaissances
fort
utiles
à
la
vie,
et
qu'au
lieu
de
cette
philosophie
spéculative
qu'on
enseigne
dans
les
écoles,
on
en
peut
trouver
une
pratique,par
laquelle,
connaissant
la
force
et
les
actions
du
feu,
de
l'eau,
de
l'air,
des
astres,
et
de
tous
les
autres
corps
qui
nous
environnent,
aussi
distinctement
que
nous
connaissons
les
divers
métiers
de
nos
artisans,
nous
les
pourrions
employer
en
même
faon
à
tous
les
usages
auxquels
ils
sont
propres,
et
ainsi
nous
rendre
comme
matres
et
possesseurs
de
la
nature\"and
thus
\"contribuer
au
perfectionnement
de
la
vie
humaine.
\"[It
is
possible
to
attain
knowledge
very
useful
in
life
and,
in
place
of
the
speculative
philosophy
taught
in
the
schools,one
can
find
a
practical
philosophy
by
which,
given
that
we
know
the
powers
and
the
effectiveness
of
fire,
water,
air,
the
stars,
and
all
the
other
bodies
that
surround
us,
as
well
and
as
accurately
as
we
know
the
various
trades
of
our
craftsmen,we
shall
be
able
to
employ
them
in
the
same
manner
as
the
latter
to
all
uses
to
which
they
are
adapted,
and
thus
as
it
were
make
ourselves
the
masters
and
possessors
of
nature,
and
thus
contributing
to
the
perfection
of
human
life.]
In
the
preface
to
Sir
Dudley
North's
\"Discourses
upon
Trade\"
(1691)
it
is
stated,that
Descartes'
method
had
begun
to
free
Political
Economy
from
the
old
fables
and
superstitious
notions
of
gold,
trade,
&c.On
the
whole,
however,
the
early
English
economists
sided
with
Bacon
and
Hobbes
as
their
philosophers;
while,
at
a
later
period,
the
philosopher
[...]
of
Political
Economy
in
England,France,
and
Italy,
was
Locke.
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