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桌麵快捷
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設為首頁
桌麵快捷
加入收藏
設為首頁
In
treating
of
Co-operation
and
Manufacture,
it
was
shown
that
certain
general
factors
of
production,
such
as
buildings,
are,
in
comparison
with
the
scattered
means
of
production
of
the
isolated
workman,economised
by
being
consumed
in
common,
and
that
they
therefore
make
the
product
cheaper.
In
a
system
of
machinery,
not
only
is
the
framework
of
the
machine
consumed
in
common
by
its
numerous
operating
implements,
but
the
prime
mover,
together
with
a
part
of
the
transmitting
mechanism,
is
consumed
in
common
by
the
numerous
operative
machines.
Given
the
difference
between
the
value
of
the
machinery,
and
the
value
transferred
by
it
in
a
day
to
the
product,
the
extent
to
which
this
latter
value
makes
the
product
dearer,
depends
in
the
first
instance,
upon
the
size
of
the
product;
so
to
say,
upon
its
area.
Mr.Baynes,
of
Blackburn,
in
a
lecture
published
in
1858,estimates
that
\"each
real
mechanical
horse-power25will
drive
450
self-acting
mule
spindles,
with
preparation,or
200
throstle
spindles,
or
15
looms
for
40
inch
cloth
with
the
appliances
for
warping,
sizing,
&c.\"
In
the
first
case,
it
is
the
day's
produce
of
450
mule
spindles,
in
the
second,
of
200
throstle
spindles,
in
the
third,
of
15
power-looms,
over
which
the
daily
cost
of
one
horse-power,
and
the
wear
and
tear
of
the
machinery
set
in
motion
by
that
power,
are
spread;so
that
only
a
very
minute
value
is
transferred
by
such
wear
and
tear
to
a
pound
of
yarn
or
a
yard
of
cloth.
The
same
is
the
case
with
the
steam-hammer
mentioned
above.
Since
its
daily
wear
and
tear,
its
coal-consumption,
&c.,
are
spread
over
the
stupendous
masses
of
iron
hammered
by
it
in
a
day,
only
a
small
value
is
added
to
a
hundred
weight
of
iron;
but
that
value
would
be
very
great,
if
the
cyclopean
instrument
were
employed
in
driving
in
nails.
Given
a
machine's
capacity
for
work,
that
is,
the
number
of
its
operating
tools,
or,
where
it
is
a
question
of
force,
their
mass,
the
amount
of
its
product
will
depend
on
the
velocity
of
its
working
parts,
on
the
speed,
for
instance,
of
the
spindles,
or
on
the
number
of
blows
given
by
the
hammer
in
a
minute.
Many
of
these
colossal
hammers
strike
seventy
times
in
a
minute,
and
Ryder's
patent
machine
for
forging
spindles
with
small
hammers
gives
as
many
as
700
strokes
per
minute.
Given
the
rate
at
which
machinery
transfers
its
value
to
the
product,
the
amount
of
value
so
transferred
depends
on
the
total
value
of
the
machinery.26The
less
labour
it
contains,
the
less
value
it
imparts
to
the
product.
The
less
value
it
gives
up,
so
much
the
more
productive
it
is,
and
so
much
the
more
its
services
approximate
to
those
of
natural
forces.
But
the
production
of
machinery
by
machinery
lessens
its
value
relatively
to
its
extension
and
efficacy.
An
analysis
and
comparison
of
the
prices
of
commodities
produced
by
handicrafts
or
manufactures,and
of
the
prices
of
the
same
commodities
produced
by
machinery,
shows
generally,
that,
in
the
product
of
machinery,
the
value
due
to
the
instruments
of
labour
increases
relatively,
but
decreases
absolutely.
In
other
words,
its
absolute
amount
decreases,
but
its
amount,relatively
to
the
total
value
of
the
product,
of
a
pound
of
yarn,
for
instance,
increases.27
It
is
evident
that
whenever
it
costs
as
much
labour
to
produce
a
machine
as
is
saved
by
the
employment
of
that
machine,
there
is
nothing
but
a
transposition
of
labour;
consequently
the
total
labour
required
to
produce
a
commodity
is
not
lessened
or
the
productiveness
of
labour
is
not
increased.
It
is
clear,however,
that
the
difference
between
the
labour
a
machine
costs,
and
the
labour
it
saves,
in
other
words,that
the
degree
of
its
productiveness
does
not
depend
on
the
difference
between
its
own
value
and
the
value
of
the
implement
it
replaces.
As
long
as
the
labour
spent
on
a
machine,
and
consequently
the
portion
of
its
value
added
to
the
product,
remains
smaller
than
the
value
added
by
the
workman
to
the
product
with
his
tool,
there
is
always
a
difference
of
labour
saved
in
favour
of
the
machine.
The
productiveness
of
a
machine
is
therefore
measured
by
the
human
labour-power
it
replaces.
According
to
Mr.
Baynes,2
operatives
are
required
for
the
450
mule
spindles,inclusive
of
preparation
machinery,28that
are
driven
by
one-horse
power;
each
self-acting
mule
spindle,working
ten
hours,
produces
13
ounces
of
yarn(average
number
of
thickness);
consequently
2operatives
spin
weekly
365
5\/8
lbs.
of
yarn.
Hence,leaving
waste
on
one
side,
366
lbs.
of
cotton
absorb,during
their
conversion
into
yarn,
only
150
hours'labour,
or
fifteen
days'
labour
of
ten
hours
each.
But
with
a
spinning-wheel,
supposing
the
hand-spinner
to
produce
thirteen
ounces
of
yarn
in
sixty
hours,the
same
weight
of
cotton
would
absorb
2,700
days'labour
of
ten
hours
each,
or
27,000
hours'
labour.29Where
blockprinting,
the
old
method
of
printing
calico
by
hand,
has
been
superseded
by
machine
printing,a
single
machine
prints,
with
the
aid
of
one
man
or
boy,
as
much
calico
of
four
colours
in
one
hour,
as
it
formerly
took
200
men
to
do.30Before
Eli
Whitney
invented
the
cotton
gin
in
1793,
the
separation
of
the
seed
from
a
pound
of
cotton
cost
an
average
day's
labour.
By
means
of
his
invention
one
negress
was
enabled
to
clean
100
lbs.
daily;
and
since
then,
the
efficacy
of
the
gin
has
been
considerably
increased.A
pound
of
cotton
wool,
previously
costing
50
cents
to
produce,
included
after
that
invention
more
unpaid
labour,
and
was
consequently
sold
with
greater
profit,at
10
cents.
In
India
they
employ
for
separating
the
wool
from
the
seed,
an
instrument,
half
machine,
half
tool,
called
a
churka;
with
this
one
man
and
a
woman
can
clean
28
lbs.
daily.
With
the
churka
invented
some
years
ago
by
Dr.
Forbes,
one
man
and
a
boy
produce
250
lbs.
daily.
If
oxen,
steam,
or
water,
be
used
for
driving
it,
only
a
few
boys
and
girls
as
feeders
are
required.
Sixteen
of
these
machines
driven
by
oxen
do
as
much
work
in
a
day
as
formerly
750
people
did
on
an
average.
31
As
already
stated,
a
steam-plough
does
as
much
work
in
one
hour
at
a
cost
of
three-pence,
as
66
men
at
a
cost
of
15
shillings.
I
return
to
this
example
in
order
to
clear
up
an
erroneous
notion.
The
15
shillings
are
by
no
means
the
expression
in
money
of
all
the
labour
expended
in
one
hour
by
the
66
men.
If
the
ratio
of
surplus
labour
to
necessary
labour
were
100%,
these
66
men
would
produce
in
one
hour
a
value
of
30
shillings,
although
their
wages,
15
shillings,
represent
only
their
labour
for
half
an
hour.
Suppose,
then,
a
machine
cost
as
much
as
the
wages
for
a
year
of
the
150
men
it
displaces,
say
￡3,000;
this
￡3,000
is
by
no
means
the
expression
in
money
of
the
labour
added
to
the
object
produced
by
these
150
men
before
the
introduction
of
the
machine,
but
only
of
that
portion
of
their
year's
labour
which
was
expended
for
themselves
and
represented
by
their
wages.
On
the
other
hand,
the￡3,000,
the
money-value
of
the
machine,
expresses
all
the
labour
expended
on
its
production,
no
matter
in
what
proportion
this
labour
constitutes
wages
for
the
workman,
and
surplus-value
for
the
capitalist.Therefore,
though
a
machine
cost
as
much
as
the
labour-power
displaced
by
it
costs,
yet
the
labour
materialised
in
it
is
even
then
much
less
than
the
living
labour
it
replaces.
32
The
use
of
machinery
for
the
exclusive
purpose
of
cheapening
the
product,
is
limited
in
this
way,that
less
labour
must
be
expended
in
producing
the
machinery
than
is
displaced
by
the
employment
of
that
machinery,
For
the
capitalist,
however,
this
use
is
still
more
limited.
Instead
of
paying
for
the
labour,he
only
pays
the
value
of
the
labour-power
employed;therefore,
the
limit
to
his
using
a
machine
is
fixed
by
the
difference
between
the
value
of
the
machine
and
the
value
of
the
labour-power
replaced
by
it.
Since
the
division
of
the
day's
work
into
necessary
and
surplus
labour
differs
in
different
countries,
and
even
in
the
same
country
at
different
periods,
or
in
different
branches
of
industry;
and
further,
since
the
actual
wage
of
the
labourer
at
one
time
sinks
below
the
value
of
his
labour-power,
at
another
rises
above
it,
it
is
possible
for
the
difference
between
the
price
of
the
machinery
and
the
price
of
the
labour-power
replaced
by
that
machinery
to
vary
very
much,
although
the
difference
between
the
quantity
of
labour
requisite
to
produce
the
machine
and
the
total
quantity
replaced
by
it,
remain
constant.33But
it
is
the
former
difference
alone
that
determines
the
cost,
to
the
capitalist,
of
producing
a
commodity,
and,
through
the
pressure
of
competition,
influences
his
action.
Hence
the
invention
now-a-days
of
machines
in
England
that
are
employed
only
in
North
America;
just
as
in
the
sixteenth
and
seventeenth
centuries,
machines
were
invented
in
Germany
to
be
used
only
in
Holland,
and
just
as
many
a
French
invention
of
the
eighteenth
century
was
exploited
in
England
alone.
In
the
older
countries,machinery,
when
employed
in
some
branches
of
industry,
creates
such
a
redundancy
of
labour
in
other
branches
that
in
these
latter
the
fall
of
wages
below
the
value
of
labour-power
impedes
the
use
of
machinery,and,
from
the
standpoint
of
the
capitalist,
whose
profit
comes,
not
from
a
diminution
of
the
labour
employed,
but
of
the
labour
paid
for,
renders
that
use
superfluous
and
often
impossible.
In
some
branches
of
the
woollen
manufacture
in
England
the
employment
of
children
has
during
recent
years
been
considerably
diminished,
and
in
some
cases
has
been
entirely
abolished.
Why
Because
the
Factory
Acts
made
two
sets
of
children
necessary,
one
working
six
hours,the
other
four,
or
each
working
five
hours.
But
the
parents
refused
to
sell
the
\"half-timers\"
cheaper
than
the
\"full-timers.\"
Hence
the
substitution
of
machinery
for
the
\"half-timers.\"34Before
the
labour
of
women
and
of
children
under
10
years
of
age
was
forbidden
in
mines,
capitalists
considered
the
employment
of
naked
women
and
girls,
often
in
company
with
men,
so
far
sanctioned
by
their
moral
code,
and
especially
by
their
ledgers,
that
it
was
only
after
the
passing
of
the
Act
that
they
had
recourse
to
machinery.
The
Yankees
have
invented
a
stone-breaking
machine.
The
English
do
not
make
use
of
it,
because
the
\"wretch\"
35who
does
this
work
gets
paid
for
such
a
small
portion
of
his
labour,
that
machinery
would
increase
the
cost
of
production
to
the
capitalist.36In
England
women
are
still
occasionally
used
instead
of
horses
for
hauling
canal
boats37,
because
the
labour
required
to
produce
horses
and
machines
is
an
accurately
known
quantity,while
that
required
to
maintain
the
women
of
the
surplus-population
is
below
all
calculation.
Hence
nowhere
do
we
find
a
more
shameful
squandering
of
human
labour-power
for
the
most
despicable
purposes
than
in
England,
the
land
of
machinery.
Section
3:
The
Proximate
Effects
of
Machinery
on
the
Workman
The
starting-point
of
modern
industry
is,
as
we
have
shown,
the
revolution
in
the
instruments
of
labour,
and
this
revolution
attains
its
most
highly
developed
form
in
the
organised
system
of
machinery
in
a
factory.Before
we
inquire
how
human
material
is
incorporated
with
this
objective
organism,
let
us
consider
some
general
effects
of
this
revolution
on
the
labourer
himself.
A.
Appropriation
of
Supplementary
Labour-Power
by
Capital.
The
Employment
of
Women
and
Children
In
so
far
as
machinery
dispenses
with
muscular
power,
it
becomes
a
means
of
employing
labourers
of
slight
muscular
strength,
and
those
whose
bodily
development
is
incomplete,
but
whose
limbs
are
all
the
more
supple.
The
labour
of
women
and
children
was,
therefore,
the
first
thing
sought
for
by
capitalists
who
used
machinery.
That
mighty
substitute
for
labour
and
labourers
was
forthwith
changed
into
a
means
for
increasing
the
number
of
wage-labourers
by
enrolling,under
the
direct
sway
of
capital,
every
member
of
the
workman's
family,
without
distinction
of
age
or
sex.
Compulsory
work
for
the
capitalist
usurped
the
place,not
only
of
the
children's
play,
but
also
of
free
labour
at
home
within
moderate
limits
for
the
support
of
the
family.38
The
value
of
labour-power
was
determined,
not
only
by
the
labour-time
necessary
to
maintain
the
individual
adult
labourer,
but
also
by
that
necessary
to
maintain
his
family.
Machinery,
by
throwing
every
member
of
that
family
on
to
the
labour-market,
spreads
the
value
of
the
man's
labour-power
over
his
whole
family.It
thus
depreciates
his
labour-power.
To
purchase
the
labour-power
of
a
family
of
four
workers
may,perhaps,
cost
more
than
it
formerly
did
to
purchase
the
labour-power
of
the
head
of
the
family,
but,
in
return,four
days'
labour
takes
the
place
of
one,
and
their
price
falls
in
proportion
to
the
excess
of
the
surplus
labour
of
four
over
the
surplus
labour
of
one.
In
order
that
the
family
may
live,
four
people
must
now,
not
only
labour,
but
expend
surplus
labour
for
the
capitalist.Thus
we
see,
that
machinery,
while
augmenting
the
human
material
that
forms
the
principal
object
of
capital's
exploiting
power,39at
the
same
time
raises
the
degree
of
exploitation.
Machinery
also
revolutionises
out
and
out
the
contract
between
the
labourer
and
the
capitalist,
which
formally
fixes
their
mutual
relations.
Taking
the
exchange
of
commodities
as
our
basis,
our
first
assumption
was
that
capitalist
and
labourer
met
as
free
persons,as
independent
owners
of
commodities;
the
one
possessing
money
and
means
of
production,
the
other
labour-power.
But
now
the
capitalist
buys
children
and
young
persons
under
age.
Previously,
the
workman
sold
his
own
labour-power,
which
he
disposed
of
nominally
as
a
free
agent.
Now
he
sells
wife
and
child.
He
has
become
a
slave-dealer.40The
demand
for
children's
labour
often
resembles
in
form
the
inquiries
for
negro
slaves,
such
as
were
formerly
to
be
read
among
the
advertisements
in
American
journals.
\"My
attention,\"
says
an
English
factory
inspector,
\"was
drawn
to
an
advertisement
in
the
local
paper
of
one
of
the
most
important
manufacturing
towns
of
my
district,
of
which
the
following
is
a
copy:
Wanted,
12
to
20
young
persons,
not
younger
than
what
can
pass
for
13
years.
Wages,
4
shillings
a
week.
Apply
&c.\"
41
The
phrase
\"what
can
pass
for
13
years,\"
has
reference
to
the
fact,
that
by
the
Factory
Act,
children
under
13
years
may
work
only
6
hours.
A
surgeon
officially
appointed
must
certify
their
age.
The
manufacturer,
therefore,
asks
for
children
who
look
as
if
they
were
already
13
years
old.
The
decrease,often
by
leaps
and
bounds
in
the
number
of
children
under
13
years
employed
in
factories,
a
decrease
that
is
shown
in
an
astonishing
manner
by
the
English
statistics
of
the
last
20
years,
was
for
the
most
part,according
to
the
evidence
of
the
factory
inspectors
themselves,
the
work
of
the
certifying
surgeons,who
overstated
the
age
of
the
children,
agreeably
to
the
capitalist's
greed
for
exploitation,
and
the
sordid
trafficking
needs
of
the
parents.
In
the
notorious
district
of
Bethnal
Green,
a
public
market
is
held
every
Monday
and
Tuesday
morning,
where
children
of
both
sexes
from
9
years
of
age
upwards,
hire
themselves
out
to
the
silk
manufacturers.
\"The
usual
terms
are
1s.8d.
a
week
(this
belongs
to
the
parents)
and
'2d.
for
myself
and
tea.'
The
contract
is
binding
only
for
the
week.
The
scene
and
language
while
this
market
is
going
on
are
quite
disgraceful.\"
42It
has
also
occurred
in
England,
that
women
have
taken
\"children
from
the
workhouse
and
let
any
one
have
them
out
for
2s.6d.
a
week.\"43In
spite
of
legislation,
the
number
ofboys
sold
in
Great
Britain
by
their
parents
to
act
as
live
chimney-sweeping
machines
(although
there
exist
plenty
of
machines
to
replace
them)
exceeds
2,000.44The
revolution
effected
by
machinery
in
the
juridical
relations
between
the
buyer
and
the
seller
of
labourpower,
causing
the
transaction
as
a
whole
to
lose
the
appearance
of
a
contract
between
free
persons,afforded
the
English
Parliament
an
excuse,
founded
on
juridical
principles,
for
the
interference
of
the
state
with
factories.
Whenever
the
law
limits
the
labour
of
children
to
6
hours
in
industries
not
before
interfered
with,
the
complaints
of
the
manufacturers
are
always
renewed.
They
allege
that
numbers
of
the
parents
withdraw
their
children
from
the
industry
brought
under
the
Act,
in
order
to
sell
them
where
\"freedom
of
labour\"
still
rules,
i.e.,
where
children
under
13
years
are
compelled
to
work
like
grown-up
people,and
therefore
can
be
got
rid
of
at
a
higher
price.
But
since
capital
is
by
nature
a
leveller,
since
it
exacts
in
every
sphere
of
production
equality
in
the
conditions
of
the
exploitation
of
labour,
the
limitation
by
law
of
children's
labour,
in
one
branch
of
industry,
becomes
the
cause
of
its
limitation
in
others.
We
have
already
alluded
to
the
physical
deterioration
as
well
of
the
children
and
young-persons
as
of
the
women,
whom
machinery,
first
directly
in
the
factories
that
shoot
up
on
its
basis,
and
then
indirectly
in
all
the
remaining
branches
of
industry,
subjects
to
the
exploitation
of
capital.
In
this
place,
therefore,
we
dwell
only
on
one
point,
the
enormous
mortality,during
the
first
few
years
of
their
life,
of
the
children
of
the
operatives.
In
sixteen
of
the
registration
districts
into
which
England
is
divided,
there
are,
for
every
100,000
children
alive
under
the
age
of
one
year,
only
9,000
deaths
in
a
year
on
an
average
(in
one
district
only
7,047);
in
24
districts
the
deaths
are
over
10,000,but
under
11,000;
in
39
districts,
over
11,000,
but
under
12,000;
in
48
districts
over
12,000,
but
under
13,000;
in
22
districts
over
20,000;
in
25
districts
over
21,000;
in
17
over
22,000;
in
11
over
23,000;
in
Hoo,Wolverhampton,
Ashton-under-Lyne,
and
Preston,over
24,000;
in
Nottingham,
Stockport,
and
Bradford,over
25,000;
in
Wisbeach,
16,000;
and
in
Manchester,
26,125.45As
was
shown
by
an
official
medical
inquiry
in
the
year
1861,
the
high
death-rates
are,
apart
from
local
causes,
principally
due
to
the
employment
of
the
mothers
away
from
their
homes,
and
to
the
neglect
and
maltreatment,
consequent
on
her
absence,
such
as,amongst
others,
insufficient
nourishment,
unsuitable
food,
and
dosing
with
opiates;
besides
this,
there
arises
an
unnatural
estrangement
between
mother
and
child,
and
as
a
consequence
intentional
starving
and
poisoning
of
the
children.46In
those
agricultural
districts,
\"where
a
minimum
in
the
employment
of
women
exists,
the
death-rate
is
on
the
other
hand
very
low.\"
47The
Inquiry
Commission
of
1861
led,however,
to
the
unexpected
result,
that
in
some
purely
agricultural
districts
bordering
on
the
North
Sea,the
death-rate
of
children
under
one
year
old
almost
equalled
that
of
the
worst
factory
districts.
Dr.
Julian
Hunter
was
therefore
commissioned
to
investigate
this
phenomenon
on
the
spot.
His
report
is
incorporated
with
the
\"Sixth
Report
on
Public
Health.\"48Up
to
that
time
it
was
supposed,
that
the
children
were
decimated
by
malaria,
and
other
diseases
peculiar
to
low-lying
and
marshy
districts.
But
the
inquiry
showed
the
very
opposite,
namely,
that
the
same
cause
which
drove
away
malaria,
the
conversion
of
the
land,
from
a
morass
in
winter
and
a
scanty
pasture
in
summer,into
fruitful
corn
land,
created
the
exceptional
death
rate
of
the
infants.49The
70
medical
men,
whom
Dr.Hunter
examined
in
that
district,
were
\"wonderfully
in
accord\"
on
this
point.
In
fact,
the
revolution
in
the
mode
of
cultivation
had
led
to
the
introduction
of
the
industrial
system.
Married
women,
who
work
in
gangs
along
with
boys
and
girls,
are,
for
a
stipulated
sum
of
money,placed
at
the
disposal
of
the
farmer,
by
a
man
called
the
\"undertaker,\"
who
contracts
for
the
whole
gang.\"These
gangs
will
sometimes
travel
many
miles
from
their
own
village;
they
are
to
be
met
morning
and
evening
on
the
roads,
dressed
in
short
petticoats,
with
suitable
coats
and
boots,
and
sometimes
trousers,looking
wonderfully
strong
and
healthy,
but
tainted
with
a
customary
immorality
and
heedless
of
the
fatal
results
which
their
love
of
this
busy
and
independent
life
is
bringing
on
their
unfortunate
offspring
who
are
pining
at
home.\"50
Every
phenomenon
of
the
factory
districts
is
here
reproduced,
including,
but
to
a
greater
extent,
ill
disguised
infanticide,
and
dosing
children
with
opiates.51
\"My
knowledge
of
such
evils,\"
says
Dr.
Simon,the
medical
officer
of
the
Privy
Council
and
editor
in
chief
of
the
Reports
on
Public
Health,\"may
excuse
the
profound
misgiving
with
which
I
regard
any
large
industrial
employment
of
adult
women.\"52
\"Happy
indeed,\"
exclaims
Mr.
Baker,
the
factory
inspector,
in
his
official
report,
\"happy
indeed
will
it
be
for
the
manufacturing
districts
of
England,
when
every
married
woman
having
a
family
is
prohibited
from
working
in
any
textile
works
at
all.\"53
The
moral
degradation
caused
by
the
capitalistic
exploitation
of
women
and
children
has
been
so
exhaustively
depicted
by
F.
Engels
in
his
\"Lage
der
Arbeitenden
Klasse
Englands,\"
and
other
writers,that
I
need
only
mention
the
subject
in
this
place.But
the
intellectual
desolation
artificially
produced
by
converting
immature
human
beings
into
mere
machines
for
the
fabrication
of
surplus-value,
a
state
of
mind
clearly
distinguishable
from
that
natural
ignorance
which
keeps
the
mind
fallow
without
destroying
its
capacity
for
development,
its
natural
fertility,
this
desolation
finally
compelled
even
the
English
Parliament
to
make
elementary
education
a
compulsory
condition
to
the
\"productive\"
employment
of
children
under
14
years,
in
every
industry
subject
to
the
Factory
Acts.
The
spirit
of
capitalist
production
stands
out
clearly
in
the
ludicrous
wording
of
the
so
called
education
clauses
in
the
Factory
Acts,
in
the
absence
of
an
administrative
machinery,
an
absence
that
again
makes
the
compulsion
illusory,
in
the
opposition
of
the
manufacturers
themselves
to
these
education
clauses,
and
in
the
tricks
and
dodges
they
put
in
practice
for
evading
them.
\"For
this
the
legislature
is
alone
to
blame,
by
having
passed
a
delusive
law,
which,
while
it
would
seem
to
provide
that
the
children
employed
in
factories
shall
be
educated,
contains
no
enactment
by
which
that
professed
end
can
be
secured.
It
provides
nothing
more
than
that
the
children
shall
on
certain
days
of
the
week,
and
for
a
certain
number
of
hours
(three)
in
each
day,
be
inclosed
within
the
four
walls
of
a
place
called
a
school,
and
that
the
employer
of
the
child
shall
receive
weekly
a
certificate
to
that
effect
signed
by
a
person
designated
by
the
subscriber
as
a
schoolmaster
or
schoolmistress.\"54
Previous
to
the
passing
of
the
amended
Factory
Act,
1844,
it
happened,
not
unfrequently,
that
the
certificates
of
attendance
at
school
were
signed
by
the
schoolmaster
or
schoolmistress
with
a
cross,
as
they
themselves
were
unable
to
write.
\"On
one
occasion,
on
visiting
a
place
called
a
school,
from
which
certificates
of
school
attendance,
had
issued,
I
was
so
struck
with
the
ignorance
of
the
master,
that
I
said
to
him:'Pray,
sir,
can
you
read'
His
reply
was:
'Aye,summat!'
and
as
a
justification
of
his
right
to
grant
certificates,
he
added:
'At
any
rate,
I
am
before
my
scholars.'\"
The
inspectors,
when
the
Bill
of
1844
was
in
preparation,
did
not
fail
to
represent
the
disgraceful
state
of
the
places
called
schools,
certificates
from
which
they
were
obliged
to
admit
as
a
compliance
with
the
laws,
but
they
were
successful
only
in
obtaining
thus
much,
that
since
the
passing
of
the
Act
of
1845,
the
figures
in
the
school
certificate
must
be
filled
up
in
the
handwriting
of
the
schoolmaster,
who
must
also
sign
his
Christian
and
surname
in
full.\"55
Sir
John
Kincaid,
factory
inspector
for
Scotland,relates
experiences
of
the
same
kind.
\"The
first
school
we
visited
was
kept
by
a
Mrs.Ann
Killin.
Upon
asking
her
to
spell
her
name,
she
straightway
made
a
mistake,
by
beginning
with
the
letter
C,
but
correcting
herself
immediately,
she
said
her
name
began
with
a
K.
On
looking
at
her
signature,
however,
in
the
school
certificate
books,I
noticed
that
she
spelt
it
in
various
ways,
while
her
handwriting
left
no
doubt
as
to
her
unfitness
to
teach.
She
herself
also
acknowledged
that
she
could
not
keep
the
register
...
In
a
second
school
I
found
the
schoolroom
15
feet
long,
and
10
feet
wide,
and
counted
in
this
space
75
children,who
were
gabbling
something
unintelligible\"56But
it
is
not
only
in
the
miserable
places
above
referred
to
that
the
children
obtain
certificates
of
school
attendance
without
having
received
instruction
of
any
value,
for
in
many
schools
where
there
is
a
competent
teacher,
his
efforts
are
of
little
avail
from
the
distracting
crowd
of
children
of
all
ages,
from
infants
of
3
years
old
and
upwards;
his
livelihood,
miserable
at
the
best,
depending
on
the
pence
received
from
the
greatest
number
of
children
whom
it
is
possible
to
cram
into
the
space.
To
this
is
to
be
added
scanty
school
furniture,
deficiency
of
books,
and
other
materials
for
teaching,
and
the
depressing
effect
upon
the
poor
children
themselves
of
a
close,noisome
atmosphere.
I
have
been
in
many
such
schools,
where
I
have
seen
rows
of
children
doing
absolutely
nothing;
and
this
is
certified
as
school
attendance,
and,
in
statistical
returns,
such
children
are
set
down
as
being
educated.\"57
In
Scotland
the
manufacturers
try
all
they
can
to
do
without
the
children
that
are
obliged
to
attend
school.
\"It
requires
no
further
argument
to
prove
that
the
educational
clauses
of
the
Factory
Act,
being
held
in
such
disfavour
among
mill-owners,
tend
in
a
great
measure
to
exclude
that
class
of
children
alike
from
the
employment
and
the
benefit
of
education
contemplated
by
this
Act.\"58
Horribly
grotesque
does
this
appear
in
works,which
are
regulated
by
a
special
Act.
By
that
Act,
\"every
child,
before
being
employed
in
a
work
must
have
attended
school
for
at
least
30
days,
and
not
less
than
150
hours,
during
the
six
months
immediately
preceding
such
first
day
of
employment,
and
during
the
continuance
of
its
employment
in
the
works,
it
must
attend
for
a
like
period
of
30
days,
and
150
hours
during
every
successive
period
of
six
months....
The
attendance
at
school
must
be
between
8
a.m.and
6
p.m.
No
attendance
of
less
than
2
hours,nor
more
than
5
hours
on
any
one
day,
shall
be
reckoned
as
part
of
the
150
hours.
Under
ordinary
circumstances
the
children
attend
school
morning
and
afternoon
for
30
days,
for
at
least
5
hours
each
day,
and
upon
the
expiration
of
the
30
days,
the
statutory
total
of
150
hours
having
been
attained,having,
in
their
language,
made
up
their
book,they
return
to
the
work,
where
they
continue
until
the
six
months
have
expired,
when
another
instalment
of
school
attendance
becomes
due,
and
they
again
seek
the
school
until
the
book
is
again
made
up....
Many
boys
having
attended
school
for
the
required
number
of
hours,
when
they
return
to
school
after
the
expiration
of
their
six
months'work
in
the
work,
are
in
the
same
condition
as
when
they
first
attended
school
as
print-work
boys,
that
they
have
lost
all
they
gained
by
their
previous
school
attendance....
In
other
works
the
children's
attendance
at
school
is
made
to
depend
altogether
upon
the
exigencies
of
the
work
in
the
establishment.
The
requisite
number
of
hours
is
made
up
each
six
months,
by
instalments
consisting
of
from
3
to
5
hours
at
a
time,
spreading
over,
perhaps,
the
whole
six
months....
For
instance,
the
attendance
on
one
day
might
be
from
8
to
11
a.m.,
on
another
day
from
1
p.m.
to
4
p.m.,and
the
child
might
not
appear
at
school
again
for
several
days,
when
it
would
attend
from
3
p.m.to
6
p.m.;
then
it
might
attend
for
3
or
4
days
consecutively,
or
for
a
week,
then
it
would
not
appear
in
school
for
3
weeks
or
a
month,
after
that
upon
some
odd
days
at
some
odd
hours
when
the
operative
who
employed
it
chose
to
spare
it;
and
thus
the
child
was,
as
it
were,
buffeted
from
school
to
work,
from
work
to
school,
until
the
tale
of
150
hours
was
told.\"59
By
the
excessive
addition
of
women
and
children
to
the
ranks
of
the
workers,
machinery
at
last
breaks
down
the
resistance
which
the
male
operatives
in
the
manufacturing
period
continued
to
oppose
to
the
despotism
of
capital.60
B.
Prolongation
of
the
Working
day
If
machinery
be
the
most
powerful
means
for
increasing
the
productiveness
of
labour
–
i.e.,
for
shortening
the
working-time
required
in
the
production
of
a
commodity,
it
becomes
in
the
hands
of
capital
the
most
powerful
means,
in
those
industries
first
invaded
by
it,
for
lengthening
the
working
day
beyond
all
bounds
set
by
human
nature.
It
creates,
on
the
one
hand,
new
conditions
by
which
capital
is
enabled
to
give
free
scope
to
this
its
constant
tendency,
and
on
the
other
hand,
new
motives
with
which
to
whet
capital's
appetite
for
the
labour
of
others.
In
the
first
place,
in
the
form
of
machinery,
the
implements
of
labour
become
automatic,
things
moving
and
working
independent
of
the
workman.They
are
thenceforth
an
industrial
perpetuum
mobile,that
would
go
on
producing
forever,
did
it
not
meet
with
certain
natural
obstructions
in
the
weak
bodies
and
the
strong
wills
of
its
human
attendants.
The
automaton,
as
capital,
and
because
it
is
capital,is
endowed,
in
the
person
of
the
capitalist,
with
intelligence
and
will;
it
is
therefore
animated
by
the
longing
to
reduce
to
a
minimum
the
resistance
offered
by
that
repellent
yet
elastic
natural
barrier,
man.61This
resistance
is
moreover
lessened
by
the
apparent
lightness
of
machine
work,
and
by
the
more
pliant
and
docile
character
of
the
women
and
children
employed
on
it.62
The
productiveness
of
machinery
is,
as
we
saw,inversely
proportional
to
the
value
transferred
by
it
to
the
product.
The
longer
the
life
of
the
machine,the
greater
is
the
mass
of
the
products
over
which
the
value
transmitted
by
the
machine
is
spread,
and
the
less
is
the
portion
of
that
value
added
to
each
single
commodity.
The
active
lifetime
of
a
machine
is,
however,
clearly
dependent
on
the
length
of
the
working
day,
or
on
the
duration
of
the
daily
labour
process
multiplied
by
the
number
of
days
for
which
the
process
is
carried
on.
The
wear
and
tear
of
a
machine
is
not
exactly
proportional
to
its
working-time.
And
even
if
it
were
so,
a
machine
working
16
hours
daily
for
7
years,covers
as
long
a
working
period
as,
and
transmits
to
the
total
product
no
more
value
than,
the
same
machine
would
if
it
worked
only
8
hours
daily
for
15
years.
But
in
the
first
case
the
value
of
the
machine
would
be
reproduced
twice
as
quickly
as
in
the
latter,and
the
capitalist
would,
by
this
use
of
the
machine,absorb
in
7
years
as
much
surplus-value
as
in
the
second
case
he
would
in
15.
The
material
wear
and
tear
of
a
machine
is
of
two
kinds.
The
one
arises
from
use,
as
coins
wear
away
by
circulating,
the
other
from
non-use,
as
a
sword
rusts
when
left
in
its
scabbard.
The
latter
kind
is
due
to
the
elements.
The
former
is
more
or
less
directly
proportional,
the
latter
to
a
certain
extent
inversely
proportional,
to
the
use
of
the
machine.63
But
in
addition
to
the
material
wear
and
tear,
a
machine
also
undergoes,
what
we
may
call
a
moral
depreciation.
It
loses
exchange-value,
either
by
machines
of
the
same
sort
being
produced
cheaper
than
it,
or
by
better
machines
entering
into
competition
with
it.64In
both
cases,
be
the
machine
ever
so
young
and
full
of
life,
its
value
is
no
longer
determined
by
the
labour
actually
materialised
in
it,
but
by
the
labour-time
requisite
to
reproduce
either
it
or
the
better
machine.
It
has,
therefore,
lost
value
more
or
less.
The
shorter
the
period
taken
to
reproduce
its
total
value,
the
less
is
the
danger
of
moral
depreciation;
and
the
longer
the
working
day,
the
shorter
is
that
period.When
machinery
is
first
introduced
into
an
industry,new
methods
of
reproducing
it
more
cheaply
follow
blow
upon
blow65,
and
so
do
improvements,
that
not
only
affect
individual
parts
and
details
of
the
machine,but
its
entire
build.
It
is,
therefore,
in
the
early
days
of
the
life
of
machinery
that
this
special
incentive
to
the
prolongation
of
the
working
day
makes
itself
felt
most
acutely.66
Given
the
length
of
the
working
day,
all
other
circumstances
remaining
the
same,
the
exploitation
of
double
the
number
of
workmen
demands,
not
only
a
doubling
of
that
part
of
constant
capital
which
is
invested
in
machinery
and
buildings,
but
also
of
that
part
which
is
laid
out
in
raw
material
and
auxiliary
substances.
The
lengthening
of
the
working
day,
on
the
other
hand,
allows
of
production
on
an
extended
scale
without
any
alteration
in
the
amount
of
capital
laid
out
on
machinery
and
buildings.67Not
only
is
there,
therefore,
an
increase
of
surplus-value,
but
the
outlay
necessary
to
obtain
it
diminishes.
It
is
true
that
this
takes
place,
more
or
less,
with
every
lengthening
of
the
working
day;
but
in
the
case
under
consideration,
the
change
is
more
marked,
because
the
capital
converted
into
the
instruments
of
labour
preponderates
to
a
greater
degree.
68The
development
of
the
factory
system
fixes
a
constantly
increasing
portion
of
the
capital
in
a
form,
in
which,
on
the
one
hand,
its
value
is
capable
of
continual
self-expansion,and
in
which,
on
the
other
hand,
it
loses
both
use
value
and
exchange-value
whenever
it
loses
contact
with
living
labour.
\"When
a
labourer,\"
said
Mr.Ashworth,
a
cotton
magnate,
to
Professor
Nassau
W.Senior,
\"lays
down
his
spade,
he
renders
useless,
for
that
period,
a
capital
worth
eighteen-pence.
When
one
of
our
people
leaves
the
mill,
he
renders
useless
a
capital
that
has
cost
￡100,000.\"69Only
fancy!
making\"useless\"
for
a
single
moment,
a
capital
that
has
cost￡100,000!
It
is,
in
truth,
monstrous,
that
a
single
one
of
our
people
should
ever
leave
the
factory!The
increased
use
of
machinery,
as
Senior
after
the
instruction
he
received
from
Ashworth
clearly
perceives,
makes
a
constantly
increasing
lengthening
of
the
working
day
\"desirable.\"
70
Machinery
produces
relative
surplus-value;
not
only
by
directly
depreciating
the
value
of
labour-power,
and
by
indirectly
cheapening
the
same
through
cheapening
the
commodities
that
enter
into
its
reproduction,
but
also,
when
it
is
first
introduced
sporadically
into
an
industry,
by
converting
the
labour
employed
by
the
owner
of
that
machinery,
into
labour
of
a
higher
degree
and
greater
efficacy,
by
raising
the
social
value
of
the
article
produced
above
its
individual
value,and
thus
enabling
the
capitalist
to
replace
the
value
of
a
day's
labour-power
by
a
smaller
portion
of
the
value
of
a
day's
product.
During
this
transition
period,when
the
use
of
machinery
is
a
sort
of
monopoly,
the
profits
are
therefore
exceptional,
and
the
capitalist
endeavours
to
exploit
thoroughly
\"the
sunny
time
of
this
his
first
love,\"
by
prolonging
the
working
day
as
much
as
possible.
The
magnitude
of
the
profit
whets
his
appetite
for
more
profit.
As
the
use
of
machinery
becomes
more
general
in
a
particular
industry,
the
social
value
of
the
product
sinks
down
to
its
individual
value,
and
the
law
that
surplus-value
does
not
arise
from
the
labour-power
that
has
been
replaced
by
the
machinery,
but
from
the
labour-power
actually
employed
in
working
with
the
machinery,
asserts
itself.
Surplus-value
arises
from
variable
capital
alone,
and
we
saw
that
the
amount
of
surplus-value
depends
on
two
factors,
viz.,
the
rate
of
surplus-value
and
the
number
of
the
workmen
simultaneously
employed.
Given
the
length
of
the
working
day,
the
rate
of
surplus-value
is
determined
by
the
relative
duration
of
the
necessary
labour
and
of
the
surplus
labour
in
a
day.
The
number
of
the
labourers
simultaneously
employed
depends,
on
its
side,
on
the
ratio
of
the
variable
to
the
constant
capital.
Now,however
much
the
use
of
machinery
may
increase
the
surplus
labour
at
the
expense
of
the
necessary
labour
by
heightening
the
productiveness
of
labour,
it
is
clear
that
it
attains
this
result,
only
by
diminishing
the
number
of
workmen
employed
by
a
given
amount
of
capital.
It
converts
what
was
formerly
variable
capital,invested
in
labour-power,
into
machinery
which,
being
constant
capital,
does
not
produce
surplus-value.
It
is
impossible,
for
instance,
to
squeeze
as
much
surplus
value
out
of
2
as
out
of
24
labourers.
If
each
of
these
24
men
gives
only
one
hour
of
surplus
labour
in
12,the
24
men
give
together
24
hours
of
surplus
labour,while
24
hours
is
the
total
labour
of
the
two
men.Hence,
the
application
of
machinery
to
the
production
of
surplus-value
implies
a
contradiction
which
is
immanent
in
it,
since
of
the
two
factors
of
the
surplus
value
created
by
a
given
amount
of
capital,
one,
the
rate
of
surplus-value,
cannot
be
increased,
except
by
diminishing
the
other,
the
number
of
workmen.
This
contradiction
comes
to
light,
as
soon
as
by
the
general
employment
of
machinery
in
a
given
industry,
the
value
of
the
machine-produced
commodity
regulates
the
value
of
all
commodities
of
the
same
sort;
and
it
is
this
contradiction,
that
in
its
turn,
drives
the
capitalist,without
his
being
conscious
of
the
fact,71to
excessive
lengthening
of
the
working
day,
in
order
that
he
may
compensate
the
decrease
in
the
relative
number
of
labourers
exploited,
by
an
increase
not
only
of
the
relative,
but
of
the
absolute
surplus
labour.
精選分類
