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111p.
17,
l.c.
In
Mr.
Horner's
district
10,270
adult
male
labourers
were
thus
examined
in
181
factories.
Their
evidence
is
to
be
found
in
the
appendix
to
the
Factory
Reports
for
the
half-year
ending
October
1848.
These
examinations
furnish
valuable
material
in
other
connexions
also.
112l.c.
See
the
evidence
collected
by
Leonard
Horner
himself,
Nos.
69,
70,
71,
72,
92,
93,
and
that
collected
by
Sub
lnspector
A.,
Nos.
51,
52,
58,
59,
62,
70,
of
the
Appendix.
One
manufacturer,
too,
tells
the
plain
truth.
See
No.
14,
and
No.265,
l.c.
113Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1848,
pp.
133,
134.
114Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1848,
p.
47.
115Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1848,
p.
130.
116Reports,
&c.,
l.c.,
p.
142.
117Reports
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1850,
pp.
5,
6.
118The
nature
of
capital
remains
the
same
in
its
developed
as
in
its
undeveloped
form.
In
the
code
which
the
influence
of
the
slave-owners,
shortly
before
the
outbreak
of
the
American
Civil
War,
imposed
on
the
territory
of
New
Mexico,
it
is
said
that
the
labourer,
in
as
much
as
the
capitalist
has
bought
his
labour-power,
\"is
his
(the
capitalist's)
money.\"
The
same
view
was
current
among
the
Roman
patricians.
The
money
they
had
advanced
to
the
plebeian
debtor
had
been
transformed
via
the
means
of
subsistence
into
the
flesh
and
blood
of
the
debtor.This
\"flesh
and
blood\"
were,
therefore,
\"their
money.\"
Hence,the
Shylock-law
of
the
Ten
Tables.
Linguet's
hypothesis
that
the
patrician
creditors
from
time
to
time
prepared,
beyond
the
Tiber,
banquets
of
debtors'
flesh,
may
remain
as
undecided
as
that
of
Daumer
on
the
Christian
Eucharist.
119Reports,
&c..
for
30th
April,
1848,
p.
28.
120Thus,
among
others,
Philanthropist
Ashworth
to
Leonard
Horner,
in
a
disgusting
Quaker
letter.
(Reports,
&c.,
April,1849,
p.
4.)
121l.c.,
p.
140.
122Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1849,
pp.
21,
22.
Cf
like
examples
ibid.,
pp.
4,
5.
123By
I.
and
II.
Will.
IV.,
ch.
24,
s.
10,
known
as
Sir
John
Hobhouse's
Factory
Act,
it
was
forbidden
to
any
owner
of
a
cotton-spinning
or
weaving
mill,
or
the
father,
son,
or
brother
of
such
owner,
to
act
as
Justice
of
the
Peace
in
any
inquiries
that
concerned
the
Factory
Act.
124l.c.
125Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1849,
p.
5.
126Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1849,
p.
6.
127Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1849,
p.
21.
128Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1848,
p.
95.
129See
Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1849,
p.
6,
and
the
detailed
explanation
of
the
\"shifting
system,\"
by
Factory
Inspectors
Howell
and
Saunders,
in
\"Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1848.\"
See
also
the
petition
to
the
Queen
from
the
clergy
of
Ashton
and
vicinity,
in
the
spring
of
1849,
against
the\"shift
system.\"
130Cf.
for
example,
\"The
Factory
Question
and
the
Ten
Hours'
Bill.\",
By
R.
H.
Greg,
1837.
131F.
Engels:
\"The
English
Ten
Hours'
Bill.\"
(In
the
\"
NeueRheinische
Zeitung.
Politisch-oekonomische
Revue.\"
Edited
by
K.
Marx.
April
number,
1850,
p.
13.)
The
same
\"high\"
Court
of
Justice
discovered,
during
the
American
Civil
War,
a
verbal
ambiguity
which
exactly
reversed
the
meaning
of
the
law
against
the
arming
of
pirate
ships.
132Rep.,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1850.
133In
winter,
from
7
a.m.
to
7
p.m.
may
be
substituted.
134\"The
present
law
(of
1850)
was
a
compromise
whereby
the
employed
surrendered
the
benefit
of
the
Ten
Hours'
Act
for
the
advantage
of
one
uniform
period
for
the
commencement
and
termination
of
the
labour
of
those
whose
labour
is
restricted.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1852,
p.
14.)
135Reports,
&c.,
for
Sept.,
1844,
p.
13.
136l.c.
137l.c.
138\"Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
Oct.,
1846,\"
p.
20.
139Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
Oct.,
1861,
p.
26.
140l.c.,p.
27.
On
the
whole
the
working
population,
subject
to
the
Factory
Act,
has
greatly
improved
physically.
All
medical
testimony
agrees
on
this
point,
and
personal
observation
at
different
times
has
convinced
me
of
it.
Nevertheless,
and
exclusive
of
the
terrible
death-rate
of
children
in
the
first
years
of
their
life,
the
official
reports
of
Dr.
Greenhow
show
the
unfavourable
health
condition
of
the
manufacturing
districts
as
compared
with
\"agricultural
districts
of
normal
health.\"
As
evidence,
take
the
following
table
from
his
1861
report:
—
141It
is
well
known
with
what
reluctance
the
English
\"Free
traders\"
gave
up
the
protective
duty
on
the
silk
manufacture.Instead
of
the
protection
against
French
importation,
the
absence
of
protection
to
English
factory
children
now
serves
their
turn.
142During
1859
and
1860,
the
zenith
years
of
the
English
cotton
industry,
some
manufacturers
tried,
by
the
decoy
bait
of
higher
wages
for
over-time,
to
reconcile
the
adult
male
operatives
to
an
extension
of
the
working
day.
The
hand-mule
spinners
and
self-actor
mincers
put
an
end
to
the
experiment
by
a
petition
to
their
employers
in
which
they
say,
\"Plainly
speaking,
our
lives
are
to
us
a
burthen;
and,
while
we
are
confined
to
the
mills
nearly
two
days
a
week
more
than
the
other
operatives
of
the
country,
we
feel
like
helots
in
the
land,and
that
we
are
perpetuating
a
system
injurious
to
ourselves
and
future
generations....
This,
therefore,
is
to
give
you
most
respectful
notice
that
when
we
commence
work
again
after
the
Christmas
and
New
Year's
holidays,
we
shall
work
60
hours
per
week,
and
no
more,
or
from
six
to
six,
with
one
hour
and
a
half
out.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1860,
p.
30.)
143On
the
means
that
the
wording
of
this
Act
afforded
for
its
violation
of
the
Parliamentary
Return
\"Factories
Regulation
Act\"
(6th
August,
1859),
and
in
it
Leonard
Horner's\"Suggestions
for
amending
the
Factory
Acts
to
enable
the
Inspectors
to
prevent
illegal
working,
now
becoming
very
prevalent.\"
144Children
of
the
age
of
8
years
and
upwards,
have,indeed,
been
employed
from
6
a.m.
to
9
p.m.
during
the
last
half
year
in
my
district.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1857,p.
39.)
145\"The
Printworks'
Act
is
admitted
to
be
a
failure
both
with
reference
to
its
educational
and
protective
provisions.\"(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1862,
p.
52.)
146Thus,
e.g.,
E.
Potter
in
a
letter
to
the
Times
of
March
24th,
1863.
The
Times
reminded
him
of
the
maoufacturers'revolt
against
the
Ten
Hours'
Bill.
147Thus,
among
others,
Mr.
W.
Newmarch,
collaborator
and
editor
of
Tooke's
\"History
of
Prices.\"
Is
it
a
scientific
advance
to
make
cowardly
concessions
to
public
opinion
148The
Act
passed
in
1860,
determined
that,
in
regard
to
dye
and
bleachworks,
the
working
day
should
be
fixed
on
August
1st,
1861,
provisionally
at
12
hours,
and
definitely
on
August
1st,
1862,
at
10
hours,
i.e.,
at
10
hours
for
ordinary
days,
and
7
for
Saturday.
Now,
when
the
fatal
year,
1862,came,
the
old
farce
was
repeated.
Besides,
the
manufacturers
petitioned
Parliament
to
allow
the
employment
of
young
persons
and
women
for
12
hours
during
one
year
longer.\"In
the
existing
condition
of
the
trade
(the
time
of
the
cotton
famine),
it
was
greatly
to
the
advantage
of
the
operatives
to
work
12
hours
per
day,
and
make
wages
when
they
could.\"
A
bill
to
this
effect
had
been
brought
in,
\"and
it
was
mainly
due
to
the
action
of
the
operative
bleachers
in
Scotland
that
the
bill
was
abandoned.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1862,
pp.
1415.)
Thus
defeated
by
the
very
workpeople,
in
whose
name
it
pretended
to
speak,
Capital
discovered,
with
the
help
of
lawyer
spectacles,
that
the
Act
of
1860,
drawn
up,
like
all
the
Acts
of
Parliament
for
the
\"protection
of
labour,\"
in
equivocal
phrases,gave
them
a
pretext
to
exclude
from
its
working
the
calenderers
and
finishers.
English
jurisprudence,
ever
the
faithful
servant
of
capital,
sanctioned
in
the
Court
of
Common
Pleas
this
piece
of
pettifogging.
\"The
operatives
have
been
greatly
disappointed...
they
have
complained
of
over-work,
and
it
is
greatly
to
be
regretted
that
the
clear
intention
of
the
legislature
should
have
failed
by
reason
of
a
faulty
definition.\"
(l.c.,
p.
18.)
149The
\"open-air
bleachers\"
had
evaded
the
law
of
1860,
by
means
of
the
lie
that
no
women
worked
at
it
in
the
night.
The
lie
was
exposed
by
the
Factory
Inspectors,
and
at
the
same
time
Parliament
was,
by
petitions
from
the
operatives,
bereft
of
its
notions
as
to
the
cool
meadow-fragrance,
in
which
bleaching
in
the
open-air
was
reported
to
take
place.
In
this
aerial
bleaching,drying-rooms
were
used
at
temperatures
of
from
90°
to
100°Fahrenheit,
in
which
the
work
was
done
for
the
most
part
by
girls.
\"Cooling\"
is
the
technical
expression
for
their
occasional
escape
from
the
drying-rooms
into
the
fresh
air.
\"Fifteen
girls
in
stoves.
Heat
from
80°
to
90°
for
linens,
and
100°
and
upwards
for
cambrics.
Twelve
girls
ironing
and
doing-up
in
a
small
room
about
10
feet
square,
in
the
centre
of
which
is
a
close
stove.
The
girls
stand
round
the
stove,
which
throws
out
a
terrific
heat,
and
dries
the
cambrics
rapidly
for
the
ironers.
The
hours
of
work
for
these
hands
are
unlimited.
If
busy,
they
work
till
9
or
12
at
night
for
successive
nights.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1862,
p.
56.)
A
medical
man
states:
\"No
special
hours
are
allowed
for
cooling,
but
if
the
temperature
gets
too
high,
or
the
workers'
hands
get
soiled
from
perspiration,
they
are
allowed
to
go
out
for
a
few
minutes....
My
experience,
which
is
considerable,
in
treating
the
diseases
of
stove
workers,
compels
me
to
express
the
opinion
that
their
sanitary
condition
is
by
no
means
so
high
as
that
of
the
operatives
in
a
spinning
factory
(and
Capital,
in
its
memorials
to
Parliament,
had
painted
them
as
floridly
healthy
after
the
manner
of
Rubens.)
The
diseases
most
observable
amongst
them
are
phthisis,
bronchitis,
irregularity
of
uterine
functions,
hysteria
in
its
most
aggravated
forms,
and
rheumatism.
All
of
these,
I
believe,
are
either
directly
or
indirectly
induced
by
the
impure,
overheated
air
of
the
apartments
in
which
the
hands
are
employed
and
the
want
of
sufficient
comfortable
clothing
to
protect
them
from
the
cold,
damp
atmosphere,
in
winter,
when
going
to
their
homes.\"
(l.c.,
pp.
56-57.)
The
Factory
Inspectors
remarked
on
the
supplementary
law
of
1860,
torn
from
these
open-air
bleachers:
\"The
Act
has
not
only
failed
to
afford
that
protection
to
the
workers
which
it
appears
to
offer,
but
contains
a
clause
...
apparently
so
worded
that,
unless
persons
are
detected
working
after
8
o'clock
at
night
they
appear
to
come
under
no
protective
provisions
at
all,
and
if
they
do
so
work
the
mode
of
proof
is
so
doubtful
that
a
conviction
can
scarcely
follow.\"
(l.c.,
p.
52.)
\"To
all
intents
and
purposes,
therefore,
as
an
Act
for
any
benevolent
or
educational
purpose,
it
is
a
failure;
since
it
can
scarcely
be
called
benevolent
to
permit,
which
is
tantamount
to
compelling,
women
and
children
to
work
14
hours
a
day
with
or
without
meals,
as
the
case
may
be,
and
perhaps
for
longer
hours
than
these,
without
limit
as
to
age,
without
reference
to
sex,
and
without
regard
to
the
social
habits
of
the
families
of
the
neighbourhood,
in
which
such
works
(bleaching
and
dyeing)
are
situated.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
30th
April,
1863,
p.
40.)
150Note
to
the
2nd
Ed.
Since
1866,
when
I
wrote
the
above
passages,
a
reaction
has
again
set
in.
151\"The
conduct
of
each
of
these
classes
(capitalists
and
workmen)
has
been
the
result
of
the
relative
situation
in
which
they
have
been
placed.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1848,p.
113.)
152\"The
employments,
placed
under
restriction,
were
connected
with
the
manufacture
of
textile
fabrics
by
the
aid
of
steam
or
water-power.
There
were
two
conditions
to
which
an
employment
must
be
subject
to
cause
it
to
be
inspected,
viz.,the
use
of
steam
or
waterpower,
and
the
manufacture
of
certain
specified
fibre.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
October,
1864,
p.
8.)
153On
the
condition
of
so-called
domestic
industries,specially
valuable
materials
are
to
be
found
in
the
latest
reports
of
the
Children's
Employment
Commission.
154\"The
Acts
of
last
Session
(1864)
...
embrace
a
diversity
of
occupations,
the
customs
in
which
differ
greatly,
and
the
use
of
mechanical
power
to
give
motion
to
machinery
is
no
longer
one
of
the
elements
necessary,
as
formerly,
to
constitute,
in
legal
phrase,
a
'Factory.'\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
Octaber,
1864,p.
8.)
155Belgium,
the
paradise
of
Continental
Liberalism,
shows
no
trace
of
this
movement.
Even
in
the
coal
and
metal
mines
labourers
of
both
sexes,
and
all
ages,
are
consumed,
in
perfect\"freedom\"
at
any
period
and
through
any
length
of
time.
Of
every
1,000
persons
employed
there,
733
are
men,
88
women,135
boys,
and
44
girls
under
16;
in
the
blast
furnaces,
&c.,of
every
1,000,
668
are
men,
149
women,
98
boys,
and
85
girls
under
16.
Add
to
this
the
low
wages
for
the
enormous
exploitation
of
mature
and
immature
labour-power.
The
average
daily
pay
for
a
man
is
2s.
8d.,
for
a
woman,
1s.
8d.,
for
a
boy,
1s.
2d.
As
a
result,
Belgium
had
in
1863,
as
compared
with
1850,
nearly
doubled
both
the
amount
and
the
value
of
its
exports
of
coal,
iron,
&c.
156Robert
Owen,
soon
after
1810,
not
only
maintained
the
necessity
of
a
limitation
of
the
working
day
in
theory,
but
actually
introduced
the
10
hours'
day
into
his
factory
at
New
Lanark.
This
was
laughed
at
as
a
communistic
Utopia;
so
were
his
\"Combination
of
children's
education
with
productive
labour
and
the
Co-operative
Societies
of
Workingmen\",
first
called
into
being
by
him.
To-day,
the
first
Utopia
is
a
Factory
Act,
the
second
figures
as
an
official
phrase
in
all
Factory
Acts,
the
third
is
already
being
used
as
a
cloak
for
reactionary
humbug.
157Ure:
\"French
translation,
Philosophie
des
Manufactures.\"Paris,
1836,
Vol.
II,
pp.
39,
40,
67,
77,
&c.
158In
the
Compte
Rendu
of
the
International
Statistical
Congress
at
Paris,
1855,
it
is
stated:
\"The
French
law,
which
limits
the
length
of
daily
labour
in
factories
and
workshops
to
12
hours,
does
not
confine
this
work
to
definite
fixed
hours.For
children's
labour
only
the
work-time
is
prescribed
as
between
5
a.m.
and
9
p.m.
Therefore,
some
of
the
masters
use
the
right
which
this
fatal
silence
gives
them
to
keep
their
works
going,
without
intermission,
day
in,
day
out,
possibly
with
the
exception
of
Sunday.
For
this
purpose
they
use
two
different
sets
of
workers,
of
whom
neither
is
in
the
workshop
more
than
12
hours
at
a
time,
but
the
work
of
the
establishment
lasts
day
and
night.
The
law
is
satisfied,
but
is
humanity\"
Besides
\"the
destructive
influence
of
night-labour
on
the
human
organism,\"stress
is
also
laid
upon
\"the
fatal
influence
of
the
association
of
the
two
sexes
by
night
in
the
same
badly-lighted
workshops.\"
159\"For
instance,
there
is
within
my
district
one
occupier
who,
within
the
same
curtilage,
is
at
the
same
time
a
bleacher
and
dyer
under
the
Bleaching
and
Dyeing
Works
Act,
a
printer
under
the
Works
Act,
and
a
finisher
under
the
Factory
Act.\"
(Report
of
Mr.
Baker,
in
Reports,
lic.,
for
October
31st,1861,
p.
20.)
After
enumerating
the
different
provisions
of
these
Acts,
and
the
complications
arising
from
them,
Mr.
Baker
says:
\"It
will
hence
appear
that
it
must
be
very
difficult
to
secure
the
execution
of
these
three
Acts
of
Parliament
where
the
occupier
chooses
to
evade
the
law.\"
But
what
is
assured
to
the
lawyers
by
this
is
law-suits.
160Thus
the
Factory
Inspectors
at
last
venture
to
say:\"These
objections
(of
capital
to
the
legal
limitation
of
the
working
day)
must
succumb
before
the
broad
principle
of
the
rights
of
labour....
There
is
a
time
when
the
master's
right
in
his
workman's
labour
ceases,
and
his
time
becomes
his
own,
even
if
there
were
no
exhaustion
in
the
question.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31
st
Oct.,
1862,
p.
54.)
161\"We,
the
workers
of
Dunkirk,
declare
that
the
length
of
time
of
labour
required
under
the
present
system
is
too
great,
and
that,
far
from
leaving
the
worker
time
for
rest
and
education,
it
plunges
him
into
a
condition
of
servitude
but
little
better
than
slavery.
That
is
why
we
decide
that
8
hours
are
enough
for
a
working
day,
and
ought
to
be
legally
recognised
as
enough;
why
we
call
to
our
help
that
powerful
lever,
the
press;
...
and
why
we
shall
consider
all
those
that
refuse
us
this
help
as
enemies
of
the
reform
of
labour
and
of
the
rights
of
the
labourer.\"
(Resolution
of
the
Working
Men
of
Dunkirk,
New
York
State,
1866.)
162Reports,
&c.,
for
Oct.,
1848,
p.
112.
163\"The
proceedings
(the
manoeuvres
of
capital,
e.g.,
from
1848-50)
have
afforded,
moreover,
incontrovertible
proof
of
the
fallacy
of
the
assertion
so
often
advanced,
that
operatives
need
no
protection,
but
may
be
considered
as
free
agents
in
the
disposal
of
the
only
property
which
they
possess
—
the
labour
of
their
hands
and
the
sweat
of
their
brows.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
April
30th,
1850,
p.
45.)
\"Free
labour
(if
so
it
may
be
termed)
even
in
a
free
country,
requires
the
strong
arm
of
the
law
to
protect
it.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
October
31st,
1864,
p.
34.)
\"To
permit,
which
is
tantamount
to
compelling
...
to
work
14
hours
a
day
with
or
without
meals,\"
&c.
(Repts.,
&c.,
for
April
30th,1863,
p.
40.)
164Friedrich
Engels,
l.c.,
p.
5.
165The
10
Hours'
Act
has,
in
the
branches
of
industry
that
come
under
it,
\"put
an
end
to
the
premature
decrepitude
of
the
former
long-hour
workers.\"
(Reports,
&c.,
for
31st
Oct.,
1859,p.
47.)
\"Capital
(in
factories)
can
never
be
employed
in
keeping
the
machinery
in
motion
beyond
a
limited
time,
without
certain
injury
to
the
health
and
morals
of
the
labourers
employed;
and
they
are
not
in
a
position
to
protect
themselves.\"
(l.c.,
p.
8)
166\"A
still
greater
boon
is
the
distinction
at
last
made
clear
between
the
worker's
own
time
and
his
master's.
The
worker
knows
now
when
that
which
he
sells
is
ended,
and
when
his
own
begins;
and
by
possessing
a
sure
foreknowledge
of
this,
is
enabled
to
prearrange
his
own
minutes
for
his
own
purposes.\"(l.c.,
p.
52.)
\"By
making
them
masters
of
their
own
time(the
Factory
Acts)
have
given
them
a
moral
energy
which
is
directing
them
to
the
eventual
possession
of
political
power\"(l.c.,
p.
47).
With
suppressed
irony,
and
in
very
well
weighed
words,
the
Factory
Inspectors
hint
that
the
actual
law
also
frees
the
capitalist
from
some
of
the
brutality
natural
to
a
man
who
is
a
mere
embodiment
of
capital,
and
that
it
has
given
him
time
for
a
little
\"culture.\"
\"Formerly
the
master
had
no
time
for
anything
but
money;
the
servant
had
no
time
for
anything
but
labour\"
(l.c.,
p.
48).
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