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At
all
events
the
Committee
had
directed
the
attention
of
the
public
to
its
\"daily
bread,\"
and
therefore
to
the
baking
trade.
At
the
same
time
in
public
meetings
and
in
petitions
to
Parliament
rose
the
cry
of
the
London
journeymen
bakers
against
their
over-work,
&c.
The
cry
was
so
urgent
that
Mr.
H.
S.Tremenheere,
also
a
member
of
the
Commission
of
1863
several
times
mentioned,
was
appointed
Royal
Commissioner
of
Inquiry.
His
report,
45together
with
the
evidence
given,
roused
not
the
heart
of
the
public
but
its
stomach.
Englishmen,
always
well
up
in
the
Bible,
knew
well
enough
that
man,
unless
by
elective
grace
a
capitalist,
or
landlord,
or
sinecurist,is
commanded
to
eat
his
bread
in
the
sweat
of
his
brow,
but
they
did
not
know
that
he
had
to
eat
daily
in
his
bread
a
certain
quantity
of
human
perspiration
mixed
with
the
discharge
of
abscesses,
cobwebs,dead
black-beetles,
and
putrid
German
yeast,
without
counting
alum,
sand,
and
other
agreeable
mineral
ingredients.
Without
any
regard
to
his
holiness,
Free
trade,
the
free
baking-trade
was
therefore
placed
under
the
supervision
of
the
State
inspectors
(Close
of
the
Parliamentary
session
of
1863),
and
by
the
same
Act
of
Parliament,
work
from
9
in
the
evening
to
5
in
the
morning
was
forbidden
for
journeymen
bakers
under
18.
The
last
clause
speaks
volumes
as
to
the
over-work
in
this
old-fashioned,
homely
line
of
business.
\"The
work
of
a
London
journeyman
baker
begins,
as
a
rule,
at
about
eleven
at
night.
At
that
hour
he
'makes
the
dough,'
–
a
laborious
process,which
lasts
from
half
an
hour
to
three
quarters
of
an
hour,
according
to
the
size
of
the
batch
or
the
labour
bestowed
upon
it.
He
then
lies
down
upon
the
kneading-board,
which
is
also
the
covering
of
the
trough
in
which
the
dough
is
'made';
and
with
a
sack
under
him,
and
another
rolled
up
as
a
pillow,he
sleeps
for
about
a
couple
of
hours.
He
is
then
engaged
in
a
rapid
and
continuous
labour
for
about
five
hours
–
throwing
out
the
dough,
'scaling
it
off,'
moulding
it,
putting
it
into
the
oven,
preparing
and
baking
rolls
and
fancy
bread,
taking
the
batch
bread
out
of
the
oven,
and
up
into
the
shop,
&c.,&c.
The
temperature
of
a
bakehouse
ranges
from
about
75
to
upwards
of
90
degrees,
and
in
the
smaller
bakehouses
approximates
usually
to
the
higher
rather
than
to
the
lower
degree
of
heat.When
the
business
of
making
the
bread,
rolls,&c.,
is
over,
that
of
its
distribution
begins,
and
a
considerable
proportion
of
the
journeymen
in
the
trade,
after
working
hard
in
the
manner
described
during
the
night,
are
upon
their
legs
for
many
hours
during
the
day,
carrying
baskets,or
wheeling
hand-carts,
and
sometimes
again
in
the
bakehouse,
leaving
off
work
at
various
hours
between
1
and
6
p.m.
according
to
the
season
of
the
year,
or
the
amount
and
nature
of
their
master's
business;
while
others
are
again
engaged
in
the
bakehouse
in
'bringing
out'
more
batches
until
late
in
the
afternoon.
46...
During
what
is
called
'the
London
season,'
the
operatives
belonging
to
the'full-priced'
bakers
at
the
West
End
of
the
town,generally
begin
work
at
11
p.m.,
and
are
engaged
in
making
the
bread,
with
one
or
two
short(sometimes
very
short)
intervals
of
rest,
up
to
8
o'clock
the
next
morning.
They
are
then
engaged
all
day
long,
up
to
4,
5,
6,
and
as
late
as
7
o'clock
in
the
evening
carrying
out
bread,
or
sometimes
in
the
afternoon
in
the
bakehouse
again,
assisting
in
the
biscuit-baking.
They
may
have,
after
they
have
done
their
work,
sometimes
five
or
six,
sometimes
only
four
or
five
hours'
sleep
before
they
begin
again.
On
Fridays
they
always
begin
sooner,
some
about
ten
o'clock,
and
continue
in
some
cases,
at
work,
either
in
making
or
delivering
the
bread
up
to
8
p.m.
on
Saturday
night,
but
more
generally
up
to
4
or
5
o'clock,
Sunday
morning.
On
Sundays
the
men
must
attend
twice
or
three
times
during
the
day
for
an
hour
or
two
to
make
preparations
for
the
next
day's
bread....
The
men
employed
by
the
underselling
masters
(who
sell
their
bread
under
the
'full
price,'
and
who,
as
already
pointed
out,
comprise
three-fourths
of
the
London
bakers)
have
not
only
to
work
on
the
average
longer
hours,but
their
work
is
almost
entirely
confined
to
the
bakehouse.
The
underselling
masters
generally
sell
their
bread...
in
the
shop.
If
they
send
it
out,
which
is
not
common,
except
as
supplying
chandlers'shops,
they
usually
employ
other
hands
for
that
purpose.
It
is
not
their
practice
to
deliver
bread
from
house
to
house.
Towards
the
end
of
the
week...
the
men
begin
on
Thursday
night
at
10
o'clock,and
continue
on
with
only
slight
intermission
until
late
on
Saturday
evening.\"
47
Even
the
bourgeois
intellect
understands
the
position
of
the
\"underselling\"
masters.
\"The
unpaid
labour
of
the
men
was
made
the
source
whereby
the
competition
was
carried
on.\"
48And
the
\"full-priced\"baker
denounces
his
underselling
competitors
to
the
Commission
of
Inquiry
as
thieves
of
foreign
labour
and
adulterators.
\"They
only
exist
now
by
first
defrauding
the
public,
and
next
getting
18
hours'
work
out
of
their
men
for
12
hours'
wages.\"
49
The
adulteration
of
bread
and
the
formation
of
a
class
of
bakers
that
sells
the
bread
below
the
full
price,date
from
the
beginning
of
the
18th
century,
from
the
time
when
the
corporate
character
of
the
trade
was
lost,
and
the
capitalist
in
the
form
of
the
miller
or
flour-factor,
rises
behind
the
nominal
master
baker.50Thus
was
laid
the
foundation
of
capitalistic
production
in
this
trade,
of
the
unlimited
extension
of
the
working
day
and
of
night-labour,
although
the
latter
only
since
1824
gained
a
serious
footing,
even
in
London.
51
After
what
has
just
been
said,
it
will
be
understood
that
the
Report
of
the
Commission
classes
journeymen
bakers
among
the
short-lived
labourers,
who,
having
by
good
luck
escaped
the
normal
decimation
of
the
children
of
the
working-class,
rarely
reach
the
age
of
42.
Nevertheless,
the
baking
trade
is
always
overwhelmed
with
applicants.
The
sources
of
the
supply
of
these
labour-powers
to
London
are
Scotland,the
western
agricultural
districts
of
England,
and
Germany.
In
the
years
1858-60,
the
journeymen
bakers
in
Ireland
organised
at
their
own
expense
great
meetings
to
agitate
against
night
and
Sunday
work.
The
public–
e.g.,
at
the
Dublin
meeting
in
May,
1860
–
took
their
part
with
Irish
warmth.
As
a
result
of
this
movement,day-labour
alone
was
successfully
established
in
Wexford,
Kilkenny,
Clonmel,
Waterford,
&c.
\"In
Limerick,
where
the
grievances
of
the
journeymen
are
demonstrated
to
be
excessive,the
movement
has
been
defeated
by
the
opposition
of
the
master
bakers,
the
miller
bakers
being
the
greatest
opponents.
The
example
of
Limerick
led
to
a
retrogression
in
Ennis
and
Tipperary.
In
Cork,
where
the
strongest
possible
demonstration
of
feeling
took
place,
the
masters,by
exercising
their
power
of
turning
the
men
out
of
employment,
have
defeated
the
movement.In
Dublin,
the
master
bakers
have
offered
the
most
determined
opposition
to
the
movement,and
by
discountenancing
as
much
as
possible
the
journeymen
promoting
it,
have
succeeded
in
leading
the
men
into
acquiescence
in
Sunday
work
and
night-work,
contrary
to
the
convictions
of
the
men.\"
52
The
Committee
of
the
English
Government,
which
Government,
in
Ireland,
is
armed
to
the
teeth,
and
generally
knows
how
to
show
it,
remonstrates
in
mild,though
funereal,
tones
with
the
implacable
master
bakers
of
Dublin,
Limerick,
Cork,
&c.:
\"The
Committee
believe
that
the
hours
of
labour
are
limited
by
natural
laws,
which
cannot
be
violated
with
impunity.
That
for
master
bakers
to
induce
their
workmen,
by
the
fear
of
losing
employment,
to
violate
their
religious
convictions
and
their
better
feelings,
to
disobey
the
laws
of
the
land,
and
to
disregard
public
opinion
(this
all
refers
to
Sunday
labour),
is
calculated
to
provoke
ill-feeling
between
workmen
and
masters,
...and
affords
an
example
dangerous
to
religion,morality,
and
social
order....
The
Committee
believe
that
any
constant
work
beyond
12
hours
a-day
encroaches
on
the
domestic
and
private
life
of
the
working-man,
and
so
leads
to
disastrous
moral
results,
interfering
with
each
man's
home,and
the
discharge
of
his
family
duties
as
a
son,
a
brother,
a
husband,
a
father.
That
work
beyond
12
hours
has
a
tendency
to
undermine
the
health
of
the
workingman,
and
so
leads
to
premature
old
age
and
death,
to
the
great
injury
of
families
of
working-men,
thus
deprived
of
the
care
and
support
of
the
head
of
the
family
when
most
required.\"
53
So
far,
we
have
dealt
with
Ireland.
On
the
other
side
of
the
channel,
in
Scotland,
the
agricultural
labourer,
the
ploughman,
protests
against
his
1314
hours'
work
in
the
most
inclement
climate,
with
4
hours'
additional
work
on
Sunday
(in
this
land
of
Sabbatarians!),
54whilst,
at
the
same
time,
threerailway
men
are
standing
before
a
London
coroner's
jury
–
a
guard,
an
engine-driver,
a
signalman.
A
tremendous
railway
accident
has
hurried
hundreds
of
passengers
into
another
world.
The
negligence
of
the
employee
is
the
cause
of
the
misfortune.
They
declare
with
one
voice
before
the
jury
that
ten
or
twelve
years
before,
their
labour
only
lasted
eight
hours
a-day.
During
the
last
five
or
six
years
it
had
been
screwed
up
to
14,
18,
and
20
hours,
and
under
a
specially
severe
pressure
of
holiday-makers,
at
times
of
excursion
trains,
it
often
lasted
for
40
or
50
hours
without
a
break.
They
were
ordinary
men,
not
Cyclops.
At
a
certain
point
their
labour-power
failed.Torpor
seized
them.
Their
brain
ceased
to
think,
their
eyes
to
see.
The
thoroughly
\"respectable\"
British
jurymen
answered
by
a
verdict
that
sent
them
to
the
next
assizes
on
a
charge
of
manslaughter,
and,
in
a
gentle
\"rider\"
to
their
verdict,
expressed
the
pious
hope
that
the
capitalistic
magnates
of
the
railways
would,
in
future,
be
more
extravagant
in
the
purchase
of
a
sufficient
quantity
of
labour-power,
and
more\"abstemious,\"
more
\"self-denying,\"
more
\"thrifty,\"
in
the
draining
of
paid
labour-power.
55
From
the
motley
crowd
of
labourers
of
all
callings,ages,
sexes,
that
press
on
us
more
busily
than
the
souls
of
the
slain
on
Ulysses,
on
whom
–
without
referring
to
the
Blue
books
under
their
arms
–
we
see
at
a
glance
the
mark
of
over-work,
let
us
take
two
more
figures
whose
striking
contrast
proves
that
before
capital
all
men
are
alike
–
a
milliner
and
a
blacksmith.
In
the
last
week
of
June,
1863,
all
the
London
daily
papers
published
a
paragraph
with
the
\"sensational\"heading,
\"Death
from
simple
over-work.\"
It
dealt
with
the
death
of
the
milliner,
Mary
Anne
Walkley,
20
years
of
age,
employed
in
a
highly-respectable
dressmaking
establishment,
exploited
by
a
lady
with
the
pleasant
name
of
Elise.
The
old,
often-told
story,
56was
once
more
recounted.
This
girl
worked,
on
an
average,
16hours,
during
the
season
often
30
hours,
without
a
break,
whilst
her
failing
labour-power
was
revived
by
occasional
supplies
of
sherry,
port,
or
coffee.
It
was
just
now
the
height
of
the
season.
It
was
necessary
to
conjure
up
in
the
twinkling
of
an
eye
the
gorgeous
dresses
for
the
noble
ladies
bidden
to
the
ball
in
honour
of
the
newly-imported
Princess
of
Wales.
Mary
Anne
Walkley
had
worked
without
intermission
for
26hours,
with
60
other
girls,
30
in
one
room,
that
only
afforded
1\/3
of
the
cubic
feet
of
air
required
for
them.At
night,
they
slept
in
pairs
in
one
of
the
stifling
holes
into
which
the
bedroom
was
divided
by
partitions
of
board.57And
this
was
one
of
the
best
millinery
establishments
in
London.
Mary
Anne
Walkley
fell
ill
on
the
Friday,
died
on
Sunday,
without,
to
the
astonishment
of
Madame
Elise,
having
previously
completed
the
work
in
hand.
The
doctor,
Mr.
Keys,called
too
late
to
the
death-bed,
duly
bore
witness
before
the
coroner's
jury
that
\"Mary
Anne
Walkley
had
died
from
long
hours
of
work
in
an
over-crowded
work-room,
and
a
too
small
and
badly
ventilated
bedroom.\"
In
order
to
give
the
doctor
a
lesson
in
good
manners,the
coroner's
jury
thereupon
brought
in
a
verdict
that
\"the
deceased
had
died
of
apoplexy,
but
there
was
reason
to
fear
that
her
death
had
been
accelerated
by
over-work
in
an
over-crowded
workroom,
&c.\"
\"Our
white
slaves,\"
cried
the
Morning
Star,
the
organ
of
the
Free-traders,
Cobden
and
Bright,
\"our
white
slaves,
who
are
toiled
into
the
grave,
for
the
most
part
silently
pine
and
die.\"
58
\"It
is
not
in
dressmakers'
rooms
that
working
to
death
is
the
order
of
the
day,
but
in
a
thousand
other
places;
in
every
place
I
had
almost
said,where
'a
thriving
business'
has
to
be
done....
We
will
take
the
blacksmith
as
a
type.
If
the
poets
were
true,
there
is
no
man
so
hearty,
so
merry,
as
the
blacksmith;
he
rises
early
and
strikes
his
sparks
before
the
sun;
he
eats
and
drinks
and
sleeps
as
no
other
man.
Working
in
moderation,
he
is,
in
fact,in
one
of
the
best
of
human
positions,
physically
speaking.
But
we
follow
him
into
the
city
or
town,and
we
see
the
stress
of
work
on
that
strong
man,and
what
then
is
his
position
in
the
death-rate
of
his
country.
In
Marylebone,
blacksmiths
die
at
the
rate
of
31
per
thousand
per
annum,
or
11
above
the
mean
of
the
male
adults
of
the
country
in
its
entirety.
The
occupation,
instinctive
almost
as
a
portion
of
human
art,
unobjectionable
as
a
branch
of
human
industry,
is
made
by
mere
excess
of
work,
the
destroyer
of
the
man.
He
can
strike
so
many
blows
per
day,
walk
so
many
steps,
breathe
so
many
breaths,
produce
so
much
work,
and
live
an
average,
say
of
fifty
years;
he
is
made
to
strike
so
many
more
blows,
to
walk
so
many
more
steps,to
breathe
so
many
more
breaths
per
day,
and
to
increase
altogether
a
fourth
of
his
life.
He
meets
the
effort;
the
result
is,
that
producing
for
a
limited
time
a
fourth
more
work,
he
dies
at
37
for
50.\"
59
Section
4:
Day
and
Night
Work.
The
Relay
System
Constant
capital,
the
means
of
production,considered
from
the
standpoint
of
the
creation
of
surplus-value,
only
exist
to
absorb
labour,
and
with
every
drop
of
labour
a
proportional
quantity
of
surplus
labour.
While
they
fail
to
do
this,
their
mere
existence
causes
a
relative
loss
to
the
capitalist,for
they
represent
during
the
time
they
lie
fallow,
a
useless
advance
of
capital.
And
this
loss
becomes
positive
and
absolute
as
soon
as
the
intermission
of
their
employment
necessitates
additional
outlay
at
the
recommencement
of
work.
The
prolongation
of
the
working
day
beyond
the
limits
of
the
natural
day,
into
the
night,
only
acts
as
a
palliative.
It
quenches
only
in
a
slight
degree
the
vampire
thirst
for
the
living
blood
of
labour.
To
appropriate
labour
during
all
the
24
hours
of
the
day
is,
therefore,
the
inherent
tendency
of
capitalist
production.
But
as
it
is
physically
impossible
to
exploit
the
same
individual
labour-power
constantly
during
the
night
as
well
as
the
day,
to
overcome
this
physical
hindrance,
an
alternation
becomes
necessary
between
the
workpeople
whose
powers
are
exhausted
by
day,
and
those
who
are
used
up
by
night.
This
alternation
may
be
effected
in
various
ways;
e.g.,
it
may
be
so
arranged
that
part
of
the
workers
are
one
week
employed
on
day-work,
the
next
week
on
night
work.
It
is
well
known
that
this
relay
system,
this
alternation
of
two
sets
of
workers,
held
full
sway
in
the
full-blooded
youth-time
of
the
English
cotton
manufacture,
and
that
at
the
present
time
it
still
flourishes,
among
others,
in
the
cotton
spinning
of
the
Moscow
district.
This
24
hours'
process
of
production
exists
to-day
as
a
system
in
many
of
the
branches
of
industry
of
Great
Britain
that
are
still
\"free,\"
in
the
blast-furnaces,
forges,
plate-rolling
mills,
and
other
metallurgical
establishments
in
England,
Wales,
and
Scotland.
The
working-time
here
includes,
besides
the
24
hours
of
the
6
working
days,
a
great
part
also
of
the
24
hours
of
Sunday.
The
workers
consist
of
men
and
women,
adults
and
children
of
both
sexes.
The
ages
of
the
children
and
young
persons
run
through
all
intermediate
grades,
from
8
(in
some
cases
from
6)
to
18.
60
In
some
branches
of
industry,
the
girls
and
women
work
through
the
night
together
with
the
males.
61
Placing
on
one
side
the
generally
injurious
influence
of
night-labour,62the
duration
of
the
process
of
production,
unbroken
during
the
24
hours,
offers
very
welcome
opportunities
of
exceeding
the
limits
of
the
normal
working
day,
e.g.,
in
the
branches
of
industry
already
mentioned,
which
are
of
an
exceedingly
fatiguing
nature;
the
official
working
day
means
for
each
worker
usually
12
hours
by
night
or
day.
But
the
over-work
beyond
this
amount
is
in
many
cases,to
use
the
words
of
the
English
official
report,
\"truly
fearful.\"
63
\"It
is
impossible,\"
the
report
continues,
\"for
any
mind
to
realise
the
amount
of
work
described
in
the
following
passages
as
being
performed
by
boys
of
from
9
to
12
years
of
age
...
without
coming
irresistibly
to
the
conclusion
that
such
abuses
of
the
power
of
parents
and
of
employers
can
no
longer
be
allowed
to
exist.\"
64
\"The
practice
of
boys
working
at
all
by
day
and
night
turns
either
in
the
usual
course
of
things,
or
at
pressing
times,
seems
inevitably
to
open
the
door
to
their
not
unfrequently
working
unduly
long
hours.
These
hours
are,
indeed,
in
some
cases,
not
only
cruelly
but
even
incredibly
long
for
children.Amongst
a
number
of
boys
it
will,
of
course,
not
unfrequently
happen
that
one
or
more
are
from
some
cause
absent.
When
this
happens,
their
place
is
made
up
by
one
or
more
boys,
who
work
in
the
other
turn.
That
this
is
a
well
understood
system
is
plain
...
from
the
answer
of
the
manager
of
some
large
rolling-mills,
who,
when
I
asked
him
how
the
place
of
the
boys
absent
from
their
turn
was
made
up,
'I
daresay,
sir,
you
know
that
as
well
as
I
do,'
and
admitted
the
fact.\"
65
\"At
a
rolling-mill
where
the
proper
hours
were
from
6
a.m.
to
5
p.m.,
a
boy
worked
about
four
nights
every
week
till
8
p.m.
at
least
...
and
this
for
six
months.
Another,
at
9
years
old,
sometimes
made
three
12-hour
shifts
running,
and,
when
10,
has
made
two
days
and
two
nights
running.\"A
third,
\"now
10
...
worked
from
6
a.m.
till
12
p.m.
three
nights,
and
till
9
p.m.
the
other
nights.\"\"Another,
now
13,
...
worked
from
6
p.m.
till
12
noon
next
day,
for
a
week
together,
and
sometimes
for
three
shifts
together,
e.g.,
from
Monday
morning
till
Tuesday
night.\"
\"Another,
now
12,has
worked
in
an
iron
foundry
at
Stavely
from
6
a.m.
till
12
p.m.
for
a
fortnight
on
end;
could
not
do
it
any
more.\"
\"George
Allinsworth,
age
9,
came
here
as
cellar-boy
last
Friday;
next
morning
we
had
to
begin
at
3,
so
I
stopped
here
all
night.
Live
five
miles
off.
Slept
on
the
floor
of
the
furnace,over
head,
with
an
apron
under
me,
and
a
bit
of
a
jacket
over
me.
The
two
other
days
I
have
been
here
at
6
a.m.
Aye!
it
is
hot
in
here.
Before
I
came
here
I
was
nearly
a
year
at
the
same
work
at
some
works
in
the
country.
Began
there,
too,
at
3
on
Saturday
morning
–
always
did,
but
was
very
gain[near]
home,
and
could
sleep
at
home.
Other
days
I
began
at
6
in
the
morning,
and
gi'en
over
at
6
or
7
in
the
evening,\"
&c.
66
Let
us
now
hear
how
capital
itself
regards
this
24
hours'
system.
The
extreme
forms
of
the
system,
its
abuse
in
the
\"cruel
and
incredible\"
extension
of
the
working
day
are
naturally
passed
over
in
silence.
Capital
only
speaks
of
the
system
in
its
\"normal\"
form.Messrs.
Naylor
&
Vickers,
steel
manufacturers,who
employ
between
600
and
700
persons,
among
whom
only
10
per
cent
are
under
18,
and
of
those,only
20
boys
under
18
work
in
night
sets,
thus
express
themselves:
\"The
boys
do
not
suffer
from
the
heat.
The
temperature
is
probably
from
86°
to
90°....
At
the
forges
and
in
the
rolling
mills
the
hands
work
night
and
day,
in
relays,
but
all
the
other
parts
of
the
work
are
day-work,
i.e.,
from
6
a.m.
to
6
p.m.
In
the
forge
the
hours
are
from
12
to
12.
Some
of
the
hands
always
work
in
the
night,
without
any
alternation
of
day
and
night
work....
We
do
not
find
any
difference
in
the
health
of
those
who
work
regularly
by
night
and
those
who
work
by
day,
and
probably
people
can
sleep
better
if
they
have
the
same
period
of
rest
than
if
it
is
changed....
About
20
of
the
boys
under
the
age
of
18
work
in
the
night
sets....
We
could
not
well
do
without
lads
under
18
working
by
night.
The
objection
would
be
the
increase
in
the
cost
of
production....
Skilled
hands
and
the
heads
in
every
department
are
difficult
to
get,
but
of
lads
we
could
get
any
number....
But
from
the
small
proportion
of
boys
that
we
employ,
the
subject
(i.e.,
of
restrictions
on
night-work)
is
of
little
importance
or
interest
to
us.\"
67
Mr.
J.
Ellis,
one
of
the
firm
of
Messrs.
John
Brown&
Co.,
steel
and
iron
works,
employing
about
3,000
men
and
boys,
part
of
whose
operations,
namely,iron
and
heavier
steel
work,
goes
on
night
and
day
by
relays,
states
\"that
in
the
heavier
steel
work
one
or
two
boys
are
employed
to
a
score
or
two
men.\"
Their
concern
employs
upwards
of
500
boys
under
18,
of
whom
about
1\/3
or
170
are
under
the
age
of
13.
With
reference
to
the
proposed
alteration
of
the
law,
Mr.
Ellis
says:
\"I
do
not
think
it
would
be
very
objectionable
to
require
that
no
person
under
the
age
of
18
should
work
more
than
12
hours
in
the
24.
But
we
do
not
think
that
any
line
could
be
drawn
over
the
age
of
12,
at
which
boys
could
be
dispensed
with
for
night-work.
But
we
would
sooner
be
prevented
from
employing
boys
under
the
age
of
13,
or
even
so
high
as
14,
at
all,
than
not
be
allowed
to
employ
boys
that
we
do
have
at
night.
Those
boys
who
work
in
the
day
sets
must
take
their
turn
in
the
night
sets
also,
because
the
men
could
not
work
in
the
night
sets
only;
it
would
ruin
their
health....
We
think,
however,
that
night-work
in
alternate
weeks
is
no
harm.\"
(Messrs.
Naylor
&
Vickers,
on
the
other
hand,in
conformity
with
the
interest
of
their
business,considered
that
periodically
changed
night-labour
might
possibly
do
more
harm
than
continual
night
labour.)
\"We
find
the
men
who
do
it,
as
well
as
the
others
who
do
other
work
only
by
day....
Our
objections
to
not
allowing
boys
under
18
to
work
at
night,would
be
on
account
of
the
increase
of
expense,but
this
is
the
only
reason.\"
(What
cynical
naveté!)
\"We
think
that
the
increase
would
be
more
than
the
trade,
with
due
regard
to
its
being
successfully
carried
out,
could
fairly
bear.
(What
mealy-mouthed
phraseology!)
Labour
is
scarce
here,
and
might
fall
short
if
there
were
such
a
regulation.\"
(i.e.,
Ellis
Brown
&
Co.might
fall
into
the
fatal
perplexity
of
being
obliged
to
pay
labour-power
its
full
value.)
68
The
\"Cyclops
Steel
and
Iron
Works,\"
of
Messrs.Cammell
&
Co.,
are
concocted
on
the
same
large
scale
as
those
of
the
above-mentioned
John
Brown
&
Co.The
managing
director
had
handed
in
his
evidence
to
the
Government
Commissioner,
Mr.
White,
in
writing.Later
he
found
it
convenient
to
suppress
the
MS.
when
it
had
been
returned
to
him
for
revision.
Mr.
White,however,
has
a
good
memory.
He
remembered
quite
clearly
that
for
the
Messrs.
Cyclops
the
forbidding
of
the
night-labour
of
children
and
young
persons
\"would
be
impossible,
it
would
be
tantamount
to
stopping
their
works,\"
and
yet
their
business
employs
little
more
than
6%
of
boys
under
18,
and
less
than
1%under
13.
69
On
the
same
subject
Mr.
E.
F.
Sanderson,
of
the
firm
of
Sanderson,
Bros.,
&
Co.,
steel
rolling-mills
and
forges,
Attercliffe,
says:
\"Great
difficulty
would
be
caused
by
preventing
boys
under
18
from
working
at
night.
The
chief
would
be
the
increase
of
cost
from
employing
men
instead
of
boys.
I
cannot
say
what
this
would
be,
but
probably
it
would
not
be
enough
to
enable
the
manufacturers
to
raise
the
price
of
steel,
and
consequently
it
would
fall
on
them,
as
of
course
the
men
(what
queer-headed
folk!)
would
refuse
to
pay
it.\"
Mr.
Sanderson
does
not
know
how
much
he
pays
the
children,
but
\"perhaps
the
younger
boys
get
from
4s.
to
5s.
a
week....
The
boys'
work
is
of
a
kind
for
which
the
strength
of
the
boys
is
generally
('generally,'
of
course
not
always)
quite
sufficient,
and
consequently
there
would
be
no
gain
in
the
greater
strength
of
the
men
to
counterbalance
the
loss,
or
it
would
be
only
in
the
few
cases
in
which
the
metal
is
heavy.
The
men
would
not
like
so
well
not
to
have
boys
under
them,
as
men
would
be
less
obedient.
Besides,
boys
must
begin
young
to
learn
the
trade.
Leaving
day-work
alone
open
to
boys
would
not
answer
this
purpose.\"
And
why
not
Why
could
not
boys
learn
their
handicraft
in
the
day-time
Your
reason
\"Owing
to
the
men
working
days
and
nights
in
alternate
weeks,
the
men
would
be
separated
half
the
time
from
their
boys,
and
would
lose
half
the
profit
which
they
make
from
them.
The
training
which
they
give
to
an
apprentice
is
considered
as
part
of
the
return
for
the
boys'
labour,
and
thus
enables
the
man
to
get
it
at
a
cheaper
rate.
Each
man
would
want
half
of
this
profit.\"
In
other
words,
Messrs.
Sanderson
would
have
to
pay
part
of
the
wages
of
the
adult
men
out
of
their
own
pockets
instead
of
by
the
night-work
of
the
boys.Messrs.
Sanderson's
profit
would
thus
fall
to
some
extent,
and
this
is
the
good
Sandersonian
reason
why
boys
cannot
learn
their
handicraft
in
the
day.70In
addition
to
this,
it
would
throw
night-labour
on
those
who
worked
instead
of
the
boys,
which
they
would
not
be
able
to
stand.
The
difficulties
in
fact
would
be
so
great
that
they
would
very
likely
lead
to
the
giving
up
of
night-work
altogether,
and
\"as
far
as
the
work
itself
is
concerned,\"
says
E.
F.
Sanderson,
\"this
would
suit
as
well,
but
–\"
But
Messrs.
Sanderson
have
something
else
to
make
besides
steel.
Steel-making
is
simply
a
pretext
for
surplus-value
making.
The
smelting
furnaces,
rolling-mills,
&c.,
the
buildings,machinery,
iron,
coal,
&c.,
have
something
more
to
do
than
transform
themselves
into
steel.
They
are
there
to
absorb
surplus
labour,
and
naturally
absorb
more
in
24
hours
than
in
12.
In
fact
they
give,
by
grace
of
God
and
law,
the
Sandersons
a
cheque
on
the
working
time
of
a
certain
number
of
hands
for
all
the
24
hours
of
the
day,
and
they
lose
their
character
as
capital,
are
therefore
a
pure
loss
for
the
Sandersons,
as
soon
as
their
function
of
absorbing
labour
is
interrupted.
\"But
then
there
would
be
the
loss
from
so
much
expensive
machinery,
lying
idle
half
the
time,
and
to
get
through
the
amount
of
work
which
we
are
able
to
do
on
the
present
system,
we
should
have
to
double
our
premises
and
plant,
which
would
double
the
outlay.\"
But
why
should
these
Sandersons
pretend
to
a
privilege
not
enjoyed
by
the
other
capitalists
who
only
work
during
the
day,
and
whose
buildings,machinery,
raw
material,
therefore
lie
\"idle\"
during
the
night
E.
F.
Sanderson
answers
in
the
name
of
all
the
Sandersons:
\"It
is
true
that
there
is
this
loss
from
machinery
lying
idle
in
those
manufactories
in
which
work
only
goes
on
by
day.
But
the
use
of
furnaces
would
involve
a
further
loss
in
our
case.
If
they
were
kept
up
there
would
be
a
waste
of
fuel
(instead
of,
as
now,
a
waste
of
the
living
substance
of
the
workers),
and
if
they
were
not,
there
would
be
loss
of
time
in
laying
the
fires
and
getting
the
heat
up(whilst
the
loss
of
sleeping
time,
even
to
children
of
8
is
a
gain
of
working-time
for
the
Sanderson
tribe),
and
the
furnaces
themselves
would
suffer
from
the
changes
of
temperature.\"
(Whilst
those
same
furnaces
suffer
nothing
from
the
day
and
night
change
of
labour.)
71
Section
5:
The
Struggle
for
a
Normal
Working
Day.
Compulsory
Laws
for
the
Extension
of
the
Working
Day
from
the
Middle
of
the
14th
to
the
End
of
the
17th
Century
\"What
is
a
working
day
What
is
the
length
of
time
during
which
capital
may
consume
the
labour-power
whose
daily
value
it
buys
How
far
may
the
working
day
be
extended
beyond
the
working-time
necessary
for
the
reproduction
of
labour-power
itself\"
It
has
been
seen
that
to
these
questions
capital
replies:
the
working
day
contains
the
full
24
hours,
with
the
deduction
of
the
few
hours
of
repose
without
which
labour-power
absolutely
refuses
its
services
again.Hence
it
is
self-evident
that
the
labourer
is
nothing
else,
his
whole
life
through,
than
labour-power,
that
therefore
all
his
disposable
time
is
by
nature
and
law
labour-time,
to
be
devoted
to
the
self-expansion
of
capital.
Time
for
education,
for
intellectual
development,
for
the
fulfilling
of
social
functions
and
for
social
intercourse,
for
the
free-play
of
his
bodily
and
mental
activity,
even
the
rest
time
of
Sunday
(and
that
in
a
country
of
Sabbatarians!)72–
moonshine!But
in
its
blind
unrestrainable
passion,
its
were-wolf
hunger
for
surplus
labour,
capital
oversteps
not
only
the
moral,
but
even
the
merely
physical
maximum
bounds
of
the
working
day.
It
usurps
the
time
for
growth,
development,
and
healthy
maintenance
of
the
body.
It
steals
the
time
required
for
the
consumption
of
fresh
air
and
sunlight.
It
higgles
over
a
meal-time,incorporating
it
where
possible
with
the
process
of
production
itself,
so
that
food
is
given
to
the
labourer
as
to
a
mere
means
of
production,
as
coal
is
supplied
to
the
boiler,
grease
and
oil
to
the
machinery.
It
reduces
the
sound
sleep
needed
for
the
restoration,reparation,
refreshment
of
the
bodily
powers
to
just
so
many
hours
of
torpor
as
the
revival
of
an
organism,absolutely
exhausted,
renders
essential.
It
is
not
the
normal
maintenance
of
the
labour-power
which
is
to
determine
the
limits
of
the
working
day;
it
is
the
greatest
possible
daily
expenditure
of
labour-power,
no
matter
how
diseased,
compulsory,
and
painful
it
may
be,
which
is
to
determine
the
limits
of
the
labourers'period
of
repose.
Capital
cares
nothing
for
the
length
of
life
of
labour-power.
All
that
concerns
it
is
simply
and
solely
the
maximum
of
labour-power,
that
can
be
rendered
fluent
in
a
working
day.
It
attains
this
end
by
shortening
the
extent
of
the
labourer's
life,
as
a
greedy
farmer
snatches
increased
produce
from
the
soil
by
robbing
it
of
its
fertility.
The
capitalistic
mode
of
production
(essentially
the
production
of
surplus-value,
the
absorption
of
surplus
labour),
produces
thus,
with
the
extension
of
the
working
day,
not
only
the
deterioration
of
human
labour-power
by
robbing
it
of
its
normal,
moral
and
physical,
conditions
of
development
and
function.
It
produces
also
the
premature
exhaustion
and
death
of
this
labour-power
itself.73It
extends
the
labourer's
time
of
production
during
a
given
period
by
shortening
his
actual
life-time.
But
the
value
of
the
labour-power
includes
the
value
of
the
commodities
necessary
for
the
reproduction
of
the
worker,
or
for
the
keeping
up
of
the
working-class.
If
then
the
unnatural
extension
of
the
working
day,
that
capital
necessarily
strives
after
in
its
unmeasured
passion
for
self-expansion,
shortens
the
length
of
life
of
the
individual
labourer,
and
therefore
the
duration
of
his
labour-power,
the
forces
used
up
have
to
be
replaced
at
a
more
rapid
rate
and
the
sum
of
the
expenses
for
the
reproduction
of
labour-power
will
be
greater;
just
as
in
a
machine
the
part
of
its
value
to
be
reproduced
every
day
is
greater
the
more
rapidly
the
machine
is
worn
out.
It
would
seem
therefore
that
the
interest
of
capital
itself
points
in
the
direction
of
a
normal
working
day.
The
slave-owner
buys
his
labourer
as
he
buys
his
horse.
If
he
loses
his
slave,
he
loses
capital
that
can
only
be
restored
by
new
outlay
in
the
slave
mart.
But
\"the
rice-grounds
of
Georgia,
or
the
swamps
of
the
Mississippi
may
be
fatally
injurious
to
the
human
constitution;
but
the
waste
of
human
life
which
the
cultivation
of
these
districts
necessitates,is
not
so
great
that
it
cannot
be
repaired
from
the
teeming
preserves
of
Virginia
and
Kentucky.
Considerations
of
economy,
moreover,
which,
under
a
natural
system,
afford
some
security
for
humane
treatment
by
identifying
the
master's
interest
with
the
slave's
preservation,
when
once
trading
in
slaves
is
practiced,
become
reasons
for
racking
to
the
uttermost
the
toil
of
the
slave;
for,
when
his
place
can
at
once
be
supplied
from
foreign
preserves,
the
duration
of
his
life
becomes
a
matter
of
less
moment
than
its
productiveness
while
it
lasts.
It
is
accordingly
a
maxim
of
slave
management,
in
slave-importing
countries,
that
the
most
effective
economy
is
that
which
takes
out
of
the
human
chattel
in
the
shortest
space
of
time
the
utmost
amount
of
exertion
it
is
capable
of
putting
forth.
It
is
in
tropical
culture,
where
annual
profits
often
equal
the
whole
capital
of
plantations,that
negro
life
is
most
recklessly
sacrificed.
It
is
the
agriculture
of
the
West
Indies,
which
has
been
for
centuries
prolific
of
fabulous
wealth,
that
has
engulfed
millions
of
the
African
race.
It
is
in
Cuba,
at
this
day,
whose
revenues
are
reckoned
by
millions,
and
whose
planters
are
princes,
that
we
see
in
the
servile
class,
the
coarsest
fare,
the
most
exhausting
and
unremitting
toil,
and
even
the
absolute
destruction
of
a
portion
of
its
numbers
every
year.\"74
Mutato
nomine
de
te
fabula
narratur
[It
is
of
youthat
the
story
is
told
–
Horace].
For
slave-trade
read
labour-market,
for
Kentucky
and
Virginia,
Ireland
and
the
agricultural
districts
of
England,
Scotland,and
Wales,
for
Africa,
Germany.
We
heard
how
over
work
thinned
the
ranks
of
the
bakers
in
London.Nevertheless,
the
London
labour-market
is
always
over-stocked
with
German
and
other
candidates
for
death
in
the
bakeries.
Pottery,
as
we
saw,
is
one
of
the
shortest-lived
industries.
Is
there
any
want
therefore
of
potters
Josiah
Wedgwood,
the
inventor
of
modern
pottery,
himself
originally
a
common
workman,
said
in
1785
before
the
House
of
Commons
that
the
whole
trade
employed
from
15,000
to
20,000
people.75In
the
year
1861
the
population
alone
of
the
town
centres
of
this
industry
in
Great
Britain
numbered
101,302.
\"The
cotton
trade
has
existed
for
ninety
years....It
has
existed
for
three
generations
of
the
English
race,
and
I
believe
I
may
safely
say
that
during
that
period
it
has
destroyed
nine
generations
of
factory
operatives.\"
76
No
doubt
in
certain
epochs
of
feverish
activity
the
labour-market
shows
significant
gaps.
In
1834,
e.g.But
then
the
manufacturers
proposed
to
the
Poor
Law
Commissioners
that
they
should
send
the
\"surplus
population\"
of
the
agricultural
districts
to
the
north,with
the
explanation
\"that
the
manufacturers
would
absorb
and
use
it
up.\"
77
Agents
were
appointed
with
the
consent
of
the
Poor
Law
Commissioners.
...
An
office
was
set
up
in
Manchester,
to
which
lists
were
sent
of
those
workpeople
in
the
agricultural
districts
wanting
employment,
and
their
names
were
registered
in
books.
The
manufacturers
attended
at
these
offices,and
selected
such
persons
as
they
chose;
when
they
had
selected
such
persons
as
their
'wants
required',
they
gave
instructions
to
have
them
forwarded
to
Manchester,
and
they
were
sent,ticketed
like
bales
of
goods,
by
canals,
or
with
carriers,
others
tramping
on
the
road,
and
many
of
them
were
found
on
the
way
lost
and
half
starved.
This
system
had
grown
up
unto
a
regular
trade.
This
House
will
hardly
believe
it,
but
I
tell
them,
that
this
traffic
in
human
flesh
was
as
well
kept
up,
they
were
in
effect
as
regularly
sold
to
these
[Manchester]
manufacturers
as
slaves
are
sold
to
the
cotton-grower
in
the
United
States....In
1860,
'the
cotton
trade
was
at
its
zenith.'
...
The
manufacturers
again
found
that
they
were
short
of
hands....
They
applied
to
the
'flesh
agents,
as
they
are
called.
Those
agents
sent
to
the
southern
downs
of
England,
to
the
pastures
of
Dorsetshire,to
the
glades
of
Devonshire,
to
the
people
tending
kine
in
Wiltshire,
but
they
sought
in
vain.
The
surplus-population
was
'absorbed.'\"
精選分類
