Now
that
we
have
considered
the
forcible
creation
of
a
class
of
outlawed
proletarians,
the
bloody
discipline
that
turned
them
into
wage
labourers,
the
disgraceful
action
of
the
State
which
employed
the
police
to
accelerate
the
accumulation
of
capital
by
increasing
the
degree
of
exploitation
of
labour,
the
question
remains:
whence
came
the
capitalists
originally
For
the
expropriation
of
the
agricultural
population
creates,
directly,
none
but
the
greatest
landed
proprietors.
As
far,
however,
as
concerns
the
genesis
of
the
farmer,
we
can,
so
to
say,
put
our
hand
on
it,
because
it
is
a
slow
process
evolving
through
many
centuries.
The
serfs,
as
well
as
the
free
small
proprietors,
held
land
under
very
different
tenures,
and
were
therefore
emancipated
under
very
different
economic
conditions.
In
England
the
first
form
of
the
farmer
is
the
bailiff,
himself
a
serf.
His
position
is
similar
to
that
of
the
old
Roman
villicus,
only
in
a
more
limited
sphere
of
action.During
the
second
half
of
the
14th
century
he
is
replaced
by
a
farmer,
whom
the
landlord
provided
with
seed,
cattle
and
implements.
His
condition
is
not
very
different
from
that
of
the
peasant.
Only
he
exploits
more
wage
labour.
Soon
he
becomes
a
metayer,
a
half-farmer.
He
advances
one
part
of
the
agricultural
stock,
the
landlord
the
other.
The
two
divide
the
total
product
in
proportions
determined
by
contract.
This
form
quickly
disappears
in
England,
to
give
the
place
to
the
farmer
proper,
who
makes
his
own
capital
breed
by
employing
wage
labourers,
and
pays
a
part
of
the
surplus-product,
in
money
or
in
kind,
to
the
landlord
as
rent.
So
long,
during
the
15th
century,
as
the
independent
peasant
and
the
farm-labourer
working
for
himself
as
well
as
for
wages,
enriched
themselves
by
their
own
labour,
the
circumstances
of
the
farmer,and
his
field
of
production,
were
equally
mediocre.The
agricultural
revolution
which
commenced
in
the
last
third
of
the
15th
century,
and
continued
during
almost
the
whole
of
the
16th
(excepting,
however,its
last
decade),
enriched
him
just
as
speedily
as
it
impoverished
the
mass
of
the
agricultural
people.1
The
usurpation
of
the
common
lands
allowed
him
to
augment
greatly
his
stock
of
cattle,
almost
without
cost,
whilst
they
yielded
him
a
richer
supply
of
manure
for
the
tillage
of
the
soil.
To
this
was
added
in
the
16th
century
a
very
important
element.
At
that
time
the
contracts
for
farms
ran
for
a
long
time,
often
for
99
years.
The
progressive
fall
in
the
value
of
the
precious
metals,
and
therefore
of
money,
brought
the
farmers
golden
fruit.
Apart
from
all
the
other
circumstances
discussed
above,
it
lowered
wages.
A
portion
of
the
latter
was
now
added
to
the
profits
of
the
farm.
The
continuous
rise
in
the
price
of
corn,
wool,
meat,
in
a
word
of
all
agricultural
produce,
swelled
the
money
capital
of
the
farm
without
any
action
on
his
part,whilst
the
rent
he
paid
(being
calculated
on
the
old
value
of
money)
diminished
in
reality.2Thus
they
grew
rich
at
the
expense
both
of
their
labourers
and
their
landlords.
No
wonder,
therefore,
that
England,at
the
end
of
the
16th
century,
had
a
class
of
capitalist
farmers,
rich,
considering
the
circumstances
of
the
time.3
NOTES:
1Harrison
in
his
\"Description
of
England,\"
says
\"although
peradventure
foure
pounds
of
old
rent
be
improved
to
fortie,toward
the
end
of
his
term,
if
he
have
not
six
or
seven
yeares
rent
lieng
by
him,
fiftie
or
a
hundred
pounds,
yet
will
the
farmer
thinke
his
gaines
verie
small.\"
2On
the
influence
of
the
depreciation
of
money
in
the
16th
century,
on
the
different
classes
of
society,
see
\"A
Compendium
of
Briefe
Examination
of
Certayne
Ordinary
Complaints
of
Divers
of
our
Countrymen
in
these
our
Days,\"
by
W.
S.Gentleman
(London
1581).
The
dialogue
form
of
this
work
led
people
for
a
long
time
to
ascribe
it
to
Shakespeare,
and
even
in
1751,
it
was
published
under
his
name.
Its
author
is
William
Stafford.
In
one
place
the
knight
reasons
as
follows:
Knight:You,
my
neighbor,
the
husbandman,
you
Maister
Mercer,
and
you
Goodman
Cooper,
with
other
artificers,
may
save
yourselves
metely
well.
For
as
much
as
all
things
are
dearer
than
they
were,so
much
do
you
arise
in
the
pryce
of
your
wares
and
occupations
that
ye
sell
agayne.
But
we
have
nothing
to
sell
whereby
we
might
advance
ye
price
there
of,
to
countervaile
those
things
that
we
must
buy
agayne.\"
In
another
place,
the
knight
asks
the
doctor:
\"I
pray
you,
what
be
those
sorts
that
ye
meane.
And
first,of
those
that
ye
thinke
should
have
no
losse
thereby
Doctor:
I
mean
all
those
that
live
by
buying
and
selling,
for
as
they
buy
deare,
they
sell
thereafter.
Knight:
What
is
the
next
sort
that
ye
say
would
win
by
it
Doctor:
Marry,
all
such
as
have
takings
of
fearmes
in
their
owne
manurance
[cultivation]
at
the
old
rent,for
where
they
pay
after
the
olde
rate
they
sell
after
the
newe—
that
is,
they
paye
for
theire
lande
good
cheape,
and
sell
all
things
growing
thereof
deare.
Knight:
What
sorte
is
that
which,ye
sayde
should
have
greater
losse
hereby,
than
these
men
had
profit
Doctor:
It
is
all
noblemen,
gentlemen,
and
all
other
that
live
either
by
a
stinted
rent
or
stypend,
or
do
not
manure[cultivate]
the
ground,
or
doe
occupy
no
buying
and
selling.\"
3In
France,
the
régisseur,
steward,
collector
of
dues
for
the
feudal
lords
during
the
earlier
part
of
the
middle
ages,
soon
became
an
homme
d'affaires,
who
by
extortion,
cheating,
&c.,swindled
himself
into
a
capitalist.
These
régisseurs
themselves
were
sometimes
noblemen.
E.g.,
\"C'est
li
compte
que
messire
Jacques
de
Thoraine,
chevalier
chastelain
sor
Besanon
rent
és-seigneur
tenant
les
comptes
à
Dijon
pour
monseigneur
le
duc
et
comte
de
Bourgoigne,
des
rentes
appartenant
à
la
dite
chastellenie,
depuis
xxve
jour
de
décembre
MCCCLIX
jusqu'au
xxviiie
jour
de
décembre
MCCCLX.\"
[This
is
the
account
given
by
M.
Jacques
de
Thoraisse,
knight,
and
Lord
of
a
manor
near
Besanon,
to
the
lord
who
administers
the
accounts
at
Dijon
for
his
highness
the
Duke
and
Count
of
Burgundy,
of
the
rents
appurtenant
to
the
above-mentioned
manor,
from
the
25th
day
of
December
1359
to
the
28th
day
of
December
1360]
(Alexis
Monteil:
\"Traité
de
Matériaux
Manuscrits
etc.,\"
pp.
234,
235.)
Already
it
is
evident
here
how
in
all
spheres
of
social
life
the
lion's
share
falls
to
the
middleman.
In
the
economic
domain,
e.g.,
financiers,
stock
exchange
speculators,
merchants,
shopkeepers
skim
the
cream;in
civil
matters,
the
lawyer
fleeces
his
clients;
in
politics
the
representative
is
of
more
importance
than
the
voters,
the
minister
than
the
sovereign;
in
religion,
God
is
pushed
into
the
background
by
the
\"Mediator,\"
and
the
latter
again
is
shoved
back
by
the
priests,
the
inevitable
middlemen
between
the
good
shepherd
and
his
sheep.
In
France,
as
in
England,
the
great
feudal
territories
were
divided
into
innumerable
small
homesteads,
but
under
conditions
incomparably
more
favorable
for
the
people.
During
the
14th
century
arose
the
farms
or
terriers.
Their
number
grew
constantly,
far
beyond
100,000.They
paid
rents
varying
from
1\/12
to
1\/5
of
the
product
in
money
or
in
kind.
These
farms
were
fiefs,
sub-fiefs,
&c.,according
the
value
and
extent
of
the
domains,
many
of
them
only
containing
a
few
acres.
But
these
farmers
had
rights
of
jurisdiction
in
some
degree
over
the
dwellers
on
the
soil;
there
were
four
grades.
The
oppression
of
the
agricultural
population
under
all
these
petty
tyrants
will
be
understood.
Monteil
says
that
there
were
once
in
France
160,000
judges,
where
today,4,000
tribunals,
including
justices
of
the
peace,
suffice.