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CHAPTER 20: TIME-WAGES
Wages
themselves
again
take
many
forms,a
fact
not
recognizable
in
the
ordinary
economic
treatises
which,
exclusively
interested
in
the
material
side
of
the
question,
neglect
every
difference
of
form.
An
exposition
of
all
these
forms
however,belongs
to
the
special
study
of
wage
labour,
not
therefore
to
this
work.
Still
the
two
fundamental
forms
must
be
briefly
worked
out
here.
The
sale
of
labour-power,
as
will
be
remembered,takes
place
for
a
definite
period
of
time.
The
converted
form
under
which
the
daily,
weekly,
&c.,
value
of
labour-power
presents
itself,
is
hence
that
of
time
wages,
therefore
day-wages,
&c.
Next
it
is
to
be
noted
that
the
laws
set
forth,
in
the
17th
chapter,
on
the
changes
in
the
relative
magnitudes
of
price
of
labour-power
and
surplus-value,
pass
by
a
simple
transformation
of
form,
into
laws
of
wages.Similarly
the
distinction
between
the
exchange-value
of
labour
power,
and
the
sum
of
the
necessaries
of
life
into
which
this
value
is
converted,
now
reappears
as
the
distinction
between
nominal
and
real
wages.It
would
be
useless
to
repeat
here,
with
regard
to
the
phenomenal
form,
what
has
been
already
worked
out
in
the
substantial
form.
We
limit
ourselves
therefore
to
a
few
points
characteristic
of
time-wages.
The
sum
of
money1which
the
labourer
receives
for
his
daily
or
weekly
labour,
forms
the
amount
of
his
nominal
wages,
or
of
his
wages
estimated
in
value.
But
it
is
clear
that
according
to
the
length
of
the
working
day,
that
is,
according
to
the
amount
of
actual
labour
daily
supplied,
the
same
daily
or
weekly
wage
may
represent
very
different
prices
of
labour,
i.e.,very
different
sums
of
money
for
the
same
quantity
of
labour.2We
must,
therefore,
in
considering
time
wages,
again
distinguish
between
the
sum-total
of
the
daily
or
weekly
wages,
&c.,
and
the
price
of
labour.How
then,
to
find
this
price,
i.e.,
the
money-value
of
a
given
quantity
of
labour
The
average
price
of
labour
is
found,
when
the
average
daily
value
of
the
labour
power
is
divided
by
the
average
number
of
hours
in
the
working
day.
If,
e.g.,
the
daily
value
of
labour
power
is
3
shillings,
the
value
of
the
product
of
6
working-hours,
and
if
the
working
day
is
12
hours,the
price
of
1
working
hour
is
3\/12
shillings
=
3d.
The
price
of
the
working-hour
thus
found
serves
as
the
unit
measure
for
the
price
of
labour.
It
follows
therefore
that
the
daily
and
weekly
wages,&c.,
may
remain
the
same,
although
the
price
of
labour
falls
constantly.
If,
e.g.,
the
habitual
working
day
is
10
hours
and
the
daily
value
of
the
labour-power
3s.,
the
price
of
the
working-hour
is
3
3\/5d.
It
falls
to
3s.
as
soon
as
the
working
day
rises
to
12
hours,
to
2
2\/5d
as
soon
as
it
rises
to
15
hours.
Daily
or
weekly
wages
remain,
despite
all
this,
unchanged.
On
the
contrary,
the
daily
or
weekly
wages
may
rise,
although
the
price
of
labour
remains
constant
or
even
falls.
If,e.g.,
the
working
day
is
10
hours,
and
the
daily
value
of
labour-power
3
shillings,
the
price
of
one
working
hour
is
3
3\/5d.
If
the
labourer,
in
consequence
of
increase
of
trade,
works
12
hours,
the
price
of
labour
remaining
the
same,
his
daily
wage
now
rises
to
3
shillings
7
1\/5
d.
without
any
variation
in
the
price
of
labour.
The
same
result
might
follow
if,
instead
of
the
extensive
amount
of
labour,
its
intensive
amount
increased.
3The
rise
of
the
nominal
daily
or
weekly
wages
may
therefore
be
accompanied
by
a
price
of
labour
that
remains
stationary
or
falls.
The
same
holds
as
to
the
income
of
the
labourer's
family,
as
soon
as
the
quantity
of
labour
expended
by
the
head
of
the
family
is
increased
by
the
labour
of
the
members
of
his
family.
There
are,
therefore,
methods
of
lowering
the
price
of
labour
independent
of
the
reduction
of
the
nominal
daily
or
weekly
wages.4
As
a
general
law
it
follows
that,
given
the
amount
of
daily
or
weekly
labour,
&c.,
the
daily
or
weekly
wages
depend
on
the
price
of
labour
which
itself
varies
either
with
the
value
of
labour-power,
or
with
the
difference
between
its
price
and
its
value.
Given,
on
the
other
hand,
the
price
of
labour,
the
daily
or
weekly
wages
depend
on
the
quantity
of
the
daily
or
weekly
labour.
The
unit-measure
for
time-wages,
the
price
of
the
working-hour,
is
the
quotient
of
the
value
of
a
day's
labour-power,
divided
by
the
number
of
hours
of
the
average
working
day.
Let
the
latter
be
12
hours,and
the
daily
value
of
labour-power
3
shillings,
the
value
of
the
product
of
6
hours
of
labour.
Under
these
circumstances
the
price
of
a
working
hour
is
3d.;the
value
produced
in
it
is
6d.
If
the
labourer
is
now
employed
less
than
12
hours
(or
less
than
6
days
in
the
week),
e.g.,
only
6
or
8
hours,
he
receives,
with
this
price
of
labour,
only
2s.
or
1s.
6d.
a
day.5As
on
our
hypothesis
he
must
work
on
the
average
6
hours
daily,in
order
to
produce
a
day's
wage
corresponding
merely
to
the
value
of
his
labour
power,
as
according
to
the
same
hypothesis
he
works
only
half
of
every
hour
for
himself,
and
half
for
the
capitalist,
it
is
clear
that
he
cannot
obtain
for
himself
the
value
of
the
product
of
6
hours
if
he
is
employed
less
than
12
hours.
In
previous
chapters
we
saw
the
destructive
consequences
of
over-work;
here
we
find
the
sources
of
the
sufferings
that
result
to
the
labourer
from
his
insufficient
employment.
If
the
hour's
wage
is
fixed
so
that
the
capitalist
does
not
bind
himself
to
pay
a
day's
or
a
week's
wage,
but
only
to
pay
wages
for
the
hours
during
which
he
chooses
to
employ
the
labourer,
he
can
employ
him
for
a
shorter
time
than
that
which
is
originally
the
basis
of
the
calculation
of
the
hour-wage,
or
the
unit-measure
of
the
price
of
labour.
Since
this
unit
is
determined
by
the
ratio
it,
of
course,
loses
all
meaning
as
soon
as
the
working
day
ceases
to
contain
a
definite
number
of
hours.
The
connection
between
the
paid
and
the
unpaid
labour
is
destroyed.
The
capitalist
can
now
wring
from
the
labour
a
certain
quantity
of
surplus
labour
without
allowing
him
the
labour-time
necessary
for
his
own
subsistence.
He
can
annihilate
all
regularity
of
employment,
and
according
to
his
own
convenience,caprice,
and
the
interest
of
the
moment,
make
the
most
enormous
overwork
alternate
with
relative
or
absolute
cessation
of
work.
He
can,
under
the
pretense
of
paying
\"the
normal
price
of
labour,\"
abnormally
lengthen
the
working
day
without
any
corresponding
compensation
to
the
labourer.
Hence
the
perfectly
rational
revolt
in
1860
of
the
London
labourers,employed
in
the
building
trades,
against
the
attempt
of
the
capitalists
to
impose
on
them
this
sort
of
wage
by
the
hour.
The
legal
limitation
of
the
working
day
puts
an
end
to
such
mischief,
although
not,
of
course,
to
the
diminution
of
employment
caused
by
the
competition
of
machinery,
by
changes
in
the
quality
of
the
labourers
employed,
and
by
crises
partial
or
general.
With
an
increasing
daily
or
weekly
wage
the
price
of
labour
may
remain
nominally
constant,
and
yet
may
fall
below
its
normal
level.
This
occurs
every
time
that,
the
price
of
labour
(reckoned
per
working-hour)
remaining
constant,
the
working
day
is
prolonged
beyond
its
customary
length.
If
in
the
fraction:
the
denominator
increases,
the
numerator
increases
yet
more
rapidly.
The
value
of
labour-power,
as
dependent
on
its
wear
and
tear,
increases
with
the
duration
of
its
functioning,
and
in
more
rapid
proportion
than
the
increase
of
that
duration.
In
many
branches
of
industry
where
time-wage
is
the
general
rule
without
legal
limits
to
the
working-time,
the
habit
has,
therefore,spontaneously
grown
up
of
regarding
the
working
day
as
normal
only
up
to
a
certain
point,
e.g.,
up
to
the
expiration
of
the
tenth
hour
(\"normal
working
day,\"
\"the
day's
work,\"
\"the
regular
hours
of
work\").Beyond
this
limit
the
working-time
is
over-time,
and
is,
taking
the
hour
as
unit-measure,
paid
better
(\"extra
pay\"),
although
often
in
a
proportion
ridiculously
small.6The
normal
working
day
exists
here
as
a
fraction
of
the
actual
working
day,
and
the
latter,
often
during
the
whole
year,
lasts
longer
than
the
former.7The
increase
in
the
price
of
labour
with
the
extension
of
the
working
day
beyond
a
certain
normal
limit,takes
such
a
shape
in
various
British
industries
that
the
low
price
of
labour
during
the
so-called
normal
time
compels
the
labourer
to
work
during
the
better
paid
over-time,
if
he
wishes
to
obtain
a
sufficient
wage
at
all.8Legal
limitation
of
the
working
day
puts
an
end
to
these
amenities.9
It
is
a
fact
generally
known
that,
the
longer
the
working
days,
in
any
branch
of
industry,
the
lower
are
the
wages.10A.
Redgrave,
factory
inspector,
illustrates
this
by
a
comparative
review
of
the
20
years
from
1839-1859,
according
to
which
wages
rose
in
the
factories
under
the
10
Hours
Law,
whilst
they
fell
in
the
factories
in
which
the
work
lasted
14
to
15
hours
daily.11
From
the
law,
\"the
price
of
labour
being
given,the
daily
or
weekly
wage
depends
on
the
quantity
of
labour
expended,\"
it
follows,
first
of
all,
that
the
lower
the
price
of
labour,
the
greater
must
be
the
quantity
of
labour,
or
the
longer
must
be
the
working
day
for
the
labourer
to
secure
even
a
miserable
average
wage.
The
lowness
of
the
price
of
labour
acts
here
as
a
stimulus
to
the
extension
of
the
labour-time.12
On
the
other
hand,
the
extension
of
the
working
time
produces,
in
its
turn,
a
fall
in
the
price
of
labour,and
with
this
a
fall
in
the
day's
or
week's
wages.
The
determination
of
the
price
of
labour
by:
shows
that
a
mere
prolongation
of
the
working
day
lowers
the
price
of
labour,
if
no
compensation
steps
in.
But
the
same
circumstances
which
allow
the
capitalist
in
the
long
run
to
prolong
the
working
day,
also
allow
him
first,
and
compel
him
finally,
to
nominally
lower
the
price
of
labour
until
the
total
price
of
the
increased
number
of
hours
is
lowered,and,
therefore,
the
daily
or
weekly
wage.
Reference
to
two
circumstances
is
sufficient
here.
If
one
man
does
the
work
of
1
or
2
men,
the
supply
of
labour
increases,
although
the
supply
of
labour-power
on
the
market
remains
constant.
The
competition
thus
created
between
the
labourers
allows
the
capitalist
to
beat
down
the
price
of
labour,
whilst
the
falling
price
of
labour
allows
him,
on
the
other
hand,
to
screw
up
still
further
the
working-time.13Soon,
however,this
command
over
abnormal
quantities
of
unpaid
labour,
i.e.,
quantities
in
excess
of
the
average
social
amount,
becomes
a
source
of
competition
amongst
the
capitalists
themselves.
A
part
of
the
price
of
the
commodity
consists
of
the
price
of
labour.
The
unpaid
part
of
the
labour-price
need
not
be
reckoned
in
the
price
of
the
commodity.
It
may
be
presented
to
the
buyer.
This
is
the
first
step
to
which
competition
leads.
The
second
step
to
which
it
drives
is
to
exclude
also
from
the
selling
price
of
the
commodity
at
least
a
part
of
the
abnormal
surplus-value
created
by
the
extension
of
the
working
day.
In
this
way,
an
abnormally
low
selling
price
of
the
commodity
arises,at
first
sporadically,
and
becomes
fixed
by
degrees;
a
lower
selling
price
which
henceforward
becomes
the
constant
basis
of
a
miserable
wage
for
an
excessive
working-time,
as
originally
it
was
the
product
of
these
very
circumstances.
This
movement
is
simply
indicated
here,
as
the
analysis
of
competition
does
not
belong
to
this
part
of
our
subject.
Nevertheless,
the
capitalist
may,
for
a
moment,
speak
for
himself.
\"In
Birmingham
there
is
so
much
competition
of
masters
one
against
another
that
many
are
obliged
to
do
things
as
employers
that
they
would
otherwise
be
ashamed
of;
and
yet
no
more
money
is
made,
but
only
the
public
gets
the
benefit.\"14The
reader
will
remember
the
two
sorts
of
London
bakers,
of
whom
one
sold
the
bread
at
its
full
price
(the
\"full-priced\"
bakers),
the
other
below
its
normal
price
(\"the
under-priced,\"
\"the
undersellers\").
The
\"full-priced\"
denounced
their
rivals
before
the
Parliamentary
Committee
of
Inquiry:
\"They
only
exist
now
by
first
defrauding
the
public,
and
next
getting
18
hours'
work
out
of
their
men
for
12
hours'wages....
The
unpaid
labour
of
the
men
was
made...
the
source
whereby
the
competition
was
carried
on,
and
continues
so
to
this
day....
The
competition
among
the
master
bakers
is
the
cause
of
the
difficulty
in
getting
rid
of
night-work.
An
underseller,
who
sells
his
bread
below
the
cost-price
according
to
the
price
of
flour,
must
make
it
up
by
getting
more
out
of
the
labour
of
the
men....
If
I
got
only
12
hours'
work
out
of
my
men,
and
my
neighbor
got
18
or
20,
he
must
beat
me
in
the
selling
price.
If
the
men
could
insist
on
payment
for
over-work,
this
would
be
set
right....
A
large
number
of
those
employed
by
the
undersellers
are
foreigners
and
youths,
who
are
obliged
to
accept
almost
any
wages
they
can
obtain.\"15
This
jeremiad
is
also
interesting
because
it
shows
how
the
appearance
only
of
the
relations
of
production
mirrors
itself
in
the
brain
of
the
capitalist.
The
capitalist
does
not
know
that
the
normal
price
of
labour
also
includes
a
definite
quantity
of
unpaid
labour,
and
that
this
very
unpaid
labour
is
the
normal
source
of
his
gain.
The
category
of
surplus
labour-time
does
not
exist
at
all
for
him,
since
it
is
included
in
the
normal
working
day,
which
he
thinks
he
has
paid
for
in
the
day's
wages.
But
over-time
does
exist
for
him,the
prolongation
of
the
working
day
beyond
the
limits
corresponding
with
the
usual
price
of
labour.
Face
to
face
with
his
underselling
competitor,
he
even
insists
upon
extra
pay
for
this
over-time.
He
again
does
not
know
that
this
extra
pay
includes
unpaid
labour,just
as
well
as
does
the
price
of
the
customary
hour
of
labour.
For
example,
the
price
of
one
hour
of
the
12
hours'
working
day
is
3d.,
say
the
value-product
of
half
a
working-hour,
whilst
the
price
of
the
over
time
working-hour
is
4d.,
or
the
value-product
of
2\/3
of
a
working
hour.
In
the
first
case
the
capitalist
appropriates
to
himself
one-half,
in
the
second,
one
third
of
the
working-hour
without
paying
for
it.
NOTES:
1The
value
of
money
itself
is
here
always
supposed
constant.
2\"The
price
of
labour
is
the
sum
paid
for
a
given
quantity
of
labour.\"
(Sir
Edward
West,
\"Price
of
Corn
and
Wages
of
Labour,\"
London,
1836,
p.
67.)
West
is
the
author
of
the
anonymous
\"Essay
on
the
Application
of
Capital
to
Land.\"
by
a
Fellow
of
the
University
College
of
Oxford,
London,
1815.
An
epoch-making
work
in
the
history
of
Political
Economy.
3\"The
wages
of
labour
depend
upon
the
price
of
labour
and
the
quantity
of
labour
performed....
An
increase
in
the
wages
of
labour
does
not
necessarily
imply
an
enhancement
of
the
price
of
labour.
From
fuller
employment,
and
greater
exertions,the
wages
of
labour
may
be
considerably
increased,
while
the
price
of
labour
may
continue
the
same.\"
(West,
op.
cit.,
pp.67,
68,
112.)
The
main
question:
\"How
is
the
price
of
labour
determined\"
West,
however,
dismisses
with
mere
banalities.
4This
is
perceived
by
the
fanatical
representative
of
the
industrial
bourgeoisie
of
the
18th
century,
the
author
of
the
\"Essay
on
Trade
and
Commerce\"
often
quoted
by
us,although
he
puts
the
matter
in
a
confused
way:
\"It
is
the
quantity
of
labour
and
not
the
price
of
it\"
(he
means
by
this
the
nominal
daily
or
weekly
wages)
\"that
is
determined
by
the
price
of
provisions
and
other
necessaries:
reduce
the
price
of
necessaries
very
low,
and
of
course
you
reduce
the
quantity
of
labour
in
proportion.
Master
manufacturers
know
that
there
are
various
ways
of
raising
and
felling
the
price
of
labour,
besides
that
of
altering
its
nominal
amount.\"
(op.
cit.,
pp.
48,
61.)
In
his
\"Three
Lectures
on
the
Rate
of
Wages,\"
London,
1830,
in
which
N.
W.
Senior
uses
West's
work
without
mentioning
it,he
says:
\"The
labourer
is
principally
interested
in
the
amount
of
wages\"
(p.
14),
that
is
to
say,
the
labourer
is
principally
interested
in
what
he
receives,
the
nominal
sum
of
his
wages,not
in
that
which
he
gives,
the
amount
of
labour!
5The
effect
of
such
an
abnormal
lessening
of
employment
is
quite
different
from
that
of
a
general
reduction
of
the
working
day,
enforced
by
law.
The
former
has
nothing
to
do
with
the
absolute
length
of
the
working
day,
and
may
occur
just
as
well
in
a
working
day
of
15,
as
of
6
hours.
The
normal
price
of
labour
is
in
the
first
case
calculated
on
the
labourer
working
15
hours,
in
the
second
case
on
his
working
6
hours
a
day
on
the
average.
The
result
is
therefore
the
same,
if
he
in
the
one
case
is
employed
only
for
7,
in
the
other
only
for
3
hours.
6\"The
rate
of
payment
for
overtime
(in
lace-making)
is
so
small,
from
d.
and
d.
to
2d.
per
hour,
that
it
stands
in
painful
contrast
to
the
amount
of
injury
produced
to
the
health
and
stamina
of
the
workpeople....
The
small
amount
thus
earned
is
also
often
obliged
to
be
spent
in
extra
nourishment.\"(\"Child.Empl.Com.,
II.
Rep.,\"
p.
xvi.,
n.
117.)
7E.g.,
in
paper-staining
before
the
recent
introduction
into
this
trade
of
the
Factory
Act.
\"We
work
on
with
no
stoppage
for
meals,
so
that
the
day's
work
of
10
hours
is
finished
by
4:30
p.m.,
and
all
after
that
is
over-time,
and
we
seldom
leave
off
working
before
6
p.m.,
so
that
we
are
really
working
over
time
the
whole
year
round.\"
(Mr.
Smith's
\"Evidence
in
Child.Empl.
Com.,
1.
Rep.,\"
p.
125.)
8E.g.,
in
the
Scotch
bleaching-works.
\"In
some
parts
of
Scotland
this
trade\"
(before
the
introduction
of
the
Factory
Act
in
1862)
\"was
carried
on
by
a
system
of
over-time,
i.e.,ten
hours
a
day
were
the
regular
hours
of
work,
for
which
a
nominal
wage
of
1s.
2d.
per
day
was
paid
to
a
man,
there
being
every
day
over-time
for
three
or
four
hours,
paid
at
the
rate
of
3d.
per
hour.
The
effect
of
this
system
...
a
man
could
not
earn
more
than
8s.
per
week
when
working
the
ordinary
hours...
without
over-time
they
could
not
earn
a
fair
day's
wages.\"(\"Rept.
of
Insp.
of
Factories,\"
April
30th,
1863,
p.
10.)
\"The
higher
wages,
for
getting
adult
males
to
work
longer
hours,are
a
temptation
too
strong
to
be
resisted.\"
(\"Rept.
of
Insp.
of
Fact.,\"
April
30th,
1848,
p.
5.)
The
book-binding
trade
in
the
city
of
London
employs
very
many
young
girls
from
14
to
15
years
old,
and
that
under
indentures
which
prescribe
certain
definite
hours
of
labour.
Nevertheless,
they
work
in
the
last
week
of
each
month
until
10,
11,
12,
or
1
o'clock
at
night,along
with
the
older
labourers,
in
a
very
mixed
company.\"The
masters
tempt
them
by
extra
pay
and
supper,\"
which
they
eat
in
neighboring
public
houses.
The
great
debauchery
thus
produced
among
these
\"young
immortals\"
(\"Children's
Employment
Comm.,
V.
Rept.,\"
p.
44,
n.
191)
is
compensated
by
the
fact
that
among
the
rest
many
Bibles
and
religious
books
are
bound
by
them.
9See
\"Reports
of
lnsp.
of
Fact.,\"
30th
April,
1863,
p.
10.With
very
accurate
appreciation
of
the
state
of
things,
the
London
labourers
employed
in
the
building
trades
declared,during
the
great
strike
and
lock-out
of
1860,
that
they
would
only
accept
wages
by
the
hour
under
two
conditions:
(1),
that,with
the
price
of
the
working-hour,
a
normal
working
day
of
9
and
10
hours
respectively
should
be
fixed,
and
that
the
price
of
the
hour
for
the
10
hours'
working
day
should
be
higher
than
that
for
the
hour
of
the
9
hours
working
day;
(2),
that
every
hour
beyond
the
normal
working
day
should
be
reckoned
as
over-time
and
proportionally
more
highly
paid.
10\"It
is
a
very
notable
thing,
too,
that
where
long
hours
are
the
rule,
small
wages
are
also
so.\"
(\"Report
of
Insp.
of
Fact.,\"31st.
Oct.,
1863,
p.
9.)
\"The
work
which
obtains
the
scanty
pittance
of
food,
is,
for
the
most
part,
excessively
prolonged.\"(\"Public
Health,
Sixth
Report,\"
1864,
p.
15.)
11\"Report
of
Inspectors
of
Fact.,\"
30th
April,
1860,
pp.
31,32.
12The
hand
nail-makers
in
England,
e.g.,
have,
on
account
of
the
low
price
of
labour,
to
work
15
hours
a
day
in
order
to
hammer
out
their
miserable
weekly
wage.
\"It's
a
great
many
hours
in
a
day
(6
a.m.
to
8
p.m.),
and
he
has
to
work
hard
all
the
time
to
get
11
d.
or
1s.,
and
there
is
the
wear
of
the
tools,the
cost
of
firing,
and
something
for
waste
iron
to
go
out
of
this,
which
takes
off
altogether
2d.
or
3d.\"
(\"Children's
Employment
Com.,
III.
Report,\"
p.
136,
n.
671.)
The
women
earn
by
the
same
working-time
a
week's
wage
of
only
5
shillings.
(l.c.,
p.
137,
n.
674.)
13If
a
factory-hand,
e.g.,
refused
to
work
the
customary
long
hours,
\"he
would
very
shortly
be
replaced
by
somebody
who
would
work
any
length
of
time,
and
thus
be
thrown
out
of
employment.\"
(\"Reports
of
Inspectors
of
Factories,\"
30th
April,
1848.
Evidence,
p.
39,
n.
58.)
\"If
one
man
performs
the
work
of
two...
the
rate
of
profits
will
generally
be
raised...
in
consequence
of
the
additional
supply
of
labour
having
diminished
its
price.\"
(Senior,
l.c.,
p.
15.)
14\"Children's
Employment
Com.,
III
Rep.,\"
Evidence,
p.66,
n.
22.
15\"Report,
&c.,
Relative
to
the
Grievances
Complained
of
by
the
Journeymen
Bakers.\"
London,
1862,
p.
411,
and
ib.Evidence,
notes
479,
359,
27.
Anyhow
the
full-priced
bakers,as
was
mentioned
above,
and
as
their
spokesman,
Bennett,himself
admits,
make
their
men
\"generally
begin
work
at
11
p.m.
...
up
to
8
o'clock
the
next
morning....
They
are
then
engaged
all
day
long
...
as
late
as
7
o'clock
in
the
evening.\"(l.c.,
p.
22.)
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