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The
work,
the
first
volume
of
which
I
now
submit
to
the
public,
forms
the
continuation
of
my
Zur
Kritik
der
Politischen
Oekonomie
(A
Contribution
to
the
Criticism
of
Political
Economy)published
in
1859.
The
long
pause
between
the
first
part
and
the
continuation
is
due
to
an
illness
of
many
years'
duration
that
again
and
again
interrupted
my
work.
The
substance
of
that
earlier
work
is
summarised
in
the
first
three
chapters
of
this
volume.
This
is
done
not
merely
for
the
sake
of
connexion
and
completeness.The
presentation
of
the
subject
matter
is
improved.
As
far
as
circumstances
in
any
way
permit,
many
points
only
hinted
at
in
the
earlier
book
are
here
worked
out
more
fully,
whilst,
conversely,
points
worked
out
fully
there
are
only
touched
upon
in
this
volume.The
sections
on
the
history
of
the
theories
of
value
and
of
money
are
now,
of
course,
left
out
altogether.The
reader
of
the
earlier
work
will
find,
however,in
the
notes
to
the
first
chapter
additional
sources
of
reference
relative
to
the
history
of
those
theories.
Every
beginning
is
difficult,
holds
in
all
sciences.
To
understand
the
first
chapter,
especially
the
section
that
contains
the
analysis
of
commodities,
will,
therefore,present
the
greatest
difficulty.
That
which
concerns
more
especially
the
analysis
of
the
substance
of
value
and
the
magnitude
of
value,
I
have,
as
much
as
it
was
possible,
popularised.1The
value-form,
whose
fully
developed
shape
is
the
money-form,
is
very
elementary
and
simple.
Nevertheless,
the
human
mind
has
for
more
than
2,000
years
sought
in
vain
to
get
to
the
bottom
of
it
all,
whilst
on
the
other
hand,to
the
successful
analysis
of
much
more
composite
and
complex
forms,
there
has
been
at
least
an
approximation.
Why
Because
the
body,
as
an
organic
whole,
is
more
easy
of
study
than
are
the
cells
of
that
body.
In
the
analysis
of
economic
forms,
moreover,neither
microscopes
nor
chemical
reagents
are
of
use.The
force
of
abstraction
must
replace
both.
But
in
bourgeois
society,
the
commodity-form
of
the
product
of
labour
–
or
value-form
of
the
commodity
–
is
the
economic
cell-form.
To
the
superficial
observer,
the
analysis
of
these
forms
seems
to
turn
upon
minutiae.It
does
in
fact
deal
with
minutiae,
but
they
are
of
the
same
order
as
those
dealt
with
in
microscopic
anatomy.
With
the
exception
of
the
section
on
value-form,therefore,
this
volume
cannot
stand
accused
on
the
score
of
difficulty.
I
presuppose,
of
course,
a
reader
who
is
willing
to
learn
something
new
and
therefore
to
think
for
himself.
The
physicist
either
observes
physical
phenomena
where
they
occur
in
their
most
typical
form
and
most
free
from
disturbing
influence,
or,
wherever
possible,he
makes
experiments
under
conditions
that
assure
the
occurrence
of
the
phenomenon
in
its
normality.In
this
work
I
have
to
examine
the
capitalist
mode
of
production,
and
the
conditions
of
production
and
exchange
corresponding
to
that
mode.
Up
to
the
present
time,
their
classic
ground
is
England.That
is
the
reason
why
England
is
used
as
the
chief
illustration
in
the
development
of
my
theoretical
ideas.If,
however,
the
German
reader
shrugs
his
shoulders
at
the
condition
of
the
English
industrial
and
agricultural
labourers,
or
in
optimist
fashion
comforts
himself
with
the
thought
that
in
Germany
things
are
not
nearly
so
bad;
I
must
plainly
tell
him,
\"De
te
fabula
narratur!\"[It
is
of
you
that
the
story
is
told.
–
Horace]
Intrinsically,
it
is
not
a
question
of
the
higher
or
lower
degree
of
development
of
the
social
antagonisms
that
result
from
the
natural
laws
of
capitalist
production.
It
is
a
question
of
these
laws
themselves,
of
these
tendencies
working
with
iron
necessity
towards
inevitable
results.
The
country
that
is
more
developed
industrially
only
shows,
to
the
less
developed,
the
image
of
its
own
future.
But
apart
from
this.
Where
capitalist
production
is
fully
naturalised
among
the
Germans
(for
instance,
in
the
factories
proper)
the
condition
of
things
is
much
worse
than
in
England,
because
the
counterpoise
of
the
Factory
Acts
is
wanting.
In
all
other
spheres,
we,
like
all
the
rest
of
Continental
Western
Europe,
suffer
not
only
from
the
development
of
capitalist
production,but
also
from
the
incompleteness
of
that
development.Alongside
the
modern
evils,
a
whole
series
of
inherited
evils
oppress
us,
arising
from
the
passive
survival
of
antiquated
modes
of
production,
with
their
inevitable
train
of
social
and
political
anachronisms.
We
suffer
not
only
from
the
living,
but
from
the
dead.
Le
mortsaisit
le
vif!
[The
dead
holds
the
living
in
his
grasp.
–formula
of
French
common
law]
The
social
statistics
of
Germany
and
the
rest
of
Continental
Western
Europe
are,
in
comparison
with
those
of
England,
wretchedly
compiled.
But
they
raise
the
veil
just
enough
to
let
us
catch
a
glimpse
of
the
Medusa
head
behind
it.
We
should
be
appalled
at
the
state
of
things
at
home,
if,
as
in
England,
our
governments
and
parliaments
appointed
periodically
commissions
of
inquiry
into
economic
conditions;if
these
commissions
were
armed
with
the
same
plenary
powers
to
get
at
the
truth;
if
it
was
possible
to
find
for
this
purpose
men
as
competent,
as
free
from
partisanship
and
respect
of
persons
as
are
the
English
factory-inspectors,
her
medical
reporters
on
public
health,
her
commissioners
of
inquiry
into
the
exploitation
of
women
and
children,
into
housing
and
food.
Perseus
wore
a
magic
cap
down
over
his
eyes
and
ears
as
a
make-believe
that
there
are
no
monsters.
Let
us
not
deceive
ourselves
on
this.
As
in
the
18th
century,
the
American
war
of
independence
sounded
the
tocsin
for
the
European
middle
class,
so
that
in
the
19th
century,
the
American
Civil
War
sounded
it
for
the
European
working
class.
In
England
the
process
of
social
disintegration
is
palpable.
When
it
has
reached
a
certain
point,
it
must
react
on
the
Continent.
There
it
will
take
a
form
more
brutal
or
more
humane,
according
to
the
degree
of
development
of
the
working
class
itself.
Apart
from
higher
motives,therefore,
their
own
most
important
interests
dictate
to
the
classes
that
are
for
the
nonce
the
ruling
ones,
the
removal
of
all
legally
removable
hindrances
to
the
free
development
of
the
working
class.
For
this
reason,
as
well
as
others,
I
have
given
so
large
a
space
in
this
volume
to
the
history,
the
details,
and
the
results
of
English
factory
legislation.
One
nation
can
and
should
learn
from
others.
And
even
when
a
society
has
got
upon
the
right
track
for
the
discovery
of
the
natural
laws
of
its
movement
–
and
it
is
the
ultimate
aim
of
this
work,
to
lay
bare
the
economic
law
of
motion
of
modern
society
–
it
can
neither
clear
by
bold
leaps,
nor
remove
by
legal
enactments,
the
obstacles
offered
by
the
successive
phases
of
its
normal
development.
But
it
can
shorten
and
lessen
the
birth-pangs.
To
prevent
possible
misunderstanding,
a
word.I
paint
the
capitalist
and
the
landlord
in
no
sense
couleur
de
rose
[i.e.,
seen
through
rose-tinted
glasses].But
here
individuals
are
dealt
with
only
in
so
far
as
they
are
the
personifications
of
economic
categories,embodiments
of
particular
class-relations
and
class
interests.
My
standpoint,
from
which
the
evolution
of
the
economic
formation
of
society
is
viewed
as
a
process
of
natural
history,
can
less
than
any
other
make
the
individual
responsible
for
relations
whose
creature
he
socially
remains,
however
much
he
may
subjectively
raise
himself
above
them.
In
the
domain
of
Political
Economy,
free
scientific
inquiry
meets
not
merely
the
same
enemies
as
in
all
other
domains.
The
peculiar
nature
of
the
materials
it
deals
with,
summons
as
foes
into
the
field
of
battle
the
most
violent,
mean
and
malignant
passions
of
the
human
breast,
the
Furies
of
private
interest.
The
English
Established
Church,
e.g.,
will
more
readily
pardon
an
attack
on
38
of
its
39
articles
than
on
1\/39
of
its
income.
Now-a-days
atheism
is
culpa
levis
[a
relatively
slight
sin,
c.f.
mortal
sin],
as
compared
with
criticism
of
existing
property
relations.
Nevertheless,there
is
an
unmistakable
advance.
I
refer,
e.g.,
to
the
Blue
book
published
within
the
last
few
weeks:\"Correspondence
with
Her
Majesty's
Missions
Abroad,
regarding
Industrial
Questions
and
Trades'Unions.\"
The
representatives
of
the
English
Crown
in
foreign
countries
there
declare
in
so
many
words
that
in
Germany,
in
France,
to
be
brief,
in
all
the
civilised
states
of
the
European
Continent,
radical
change
in
the
existing
relations
between
capital
and
labour
is
as
evident
and
inevitable
as
in
England.
At
the
same
time,on
the
other
side
of
the
Atlantic
Ocean,
Mr.
Wade,vice-president
of
the
United
States,
declared
in
public
meetings
that,
after
the
abolition
of
slavery,
a
radical
change
of
the
relations
of
capital
and
of
property
in
land
is
next
upon
the
order
of
the
day.
These
are
signs
of
the
times,
not
to
be
hidden
by
purple
mantles
or
black
cassocks.
They
do
not
signify
that
tomorrow
a
miracle
will
happen.
They
show
that,
within
the
ruling
classes
themselves,
a
foreboding
is
dawning,
that
the
present
society
is
no
solid
crystal,
but
an
organism
capable
of
change,
and
is
constantly
changing.
The
second
volume
of
this
book
will
treat
of
the
process
of
the
circulation
of
capital
(Book
II.),
and
of
the
varied
forms
assumed
by
capital
in
the
course
of
its
development
(Book
III.),
the
third
and
last
volume(Book
IV.),
the
history
of
the
theory.
Every
opinion
based
on
scientific
criticism
I
welcome.
As
to
prejudices
of
so-called
public
opinion,to
which
I
have
never
made
concessions,
now
as
aforetime
the
maxim
of
the
great
Florentine
is
mine:
\"Segui
il
tuo
corso,
e
lascia
dir
le
genti.\"
[Follow
your
own
course,
and
let
people
talk
–paraphrased
from
Dante]
Karl
Marx
London
July
25,
1867
NOTES:
1This
is
the
more
necessary,
as
even
the
section
of
Ferdinand
Lassalle’s
work
against
Schulze-Delitzsch,
in
which
he
professes
to
give
“the
intellectual
quintessence”
of
my
explanations
on
these
subjects,
contains
important
mistakes.If
Ferdinand
Lassalle
has
borrowed
almost
literally
from
my
writings,
and
without
any
acknowledgement,
all
the
general
theoretical
propositions
in
his
economic
works,
e.g.,
those
on
the
historical
character
of
capital,
on
the
connexion
between
the
conditions
of
production
and
the
mode
of
production,
&c.,&c.,
even
to
the
terminology
created
by
me,
this
may
perhaps
be
due
to
purposes
of
propaganda.
I
am
here,
of
course,
not
speaking
of
his
detailed
working
out
and
application
of
these
propositions,
with
which
I
have
nothing
to
do.
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